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2014年2月1日星期六

五色真民国

101118 杨德洲:民国易帜之争:从五色旗到青天白日满地红旗 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/03/02/101118/
五色旗 历史图片 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/05/11/130141296/ 2 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/09/2-70857/ 3 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/09/3-86366/ 4 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/09/4-79321/1912年 孙中山、唐绍怡、伍廷芳相片祝中华民国成立明信片 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/09/1912/
民国五色旗出自赵凤昌之手 一度被孙中山搁置 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2013/01/30/174782708/
120717 真民国是五色旗的民国 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/07/17/120717/
和五色旗合影 庆中华民国生日 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/10/164797416/
中华民国国歌 卿云歌 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2013/03/02/175836632/
五色自由旗 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/02/27/105650867/
五色旗和孙文的三民五权没关系 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/02/163980141/
五色卿云旗 五常新民 五权宪政 五色自由 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/04/30/127537303/
中华民国国歌 卿云歌 飘扬五色旗 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2013/03/04/175871303/
李静:民国国歌《卿云歌》的诞生与争论 http://lihlii.blogspot.com/2013/01/blog-post_208.html
话说国旗 国民党党史馆藏有五色旗黄龙旗 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/03/02/107193735/
071109 管仁健:台灣小學課本裡的「國旗」神話 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/03/03/071109/
小野寺 史郎 南京国民政府时期的党歌和国歌 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/01/163893558/
双十国庆日 民初人物杂谈 吴佩孚 曹锟 冯玉祥 孙文 张作霖 23年宪法和46年宪法对比评价 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/10/2346/
秋瑾、章太炎、黄兴、宋教仁 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/06/23/140559417/
回归46宪法不如回归23宪法 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/11/4623/
薛刚:变动社会中的宪政尝试——1923年《中华民国宪法》的制定与宪政理想的顿挫 http://lihlii.blogspot.nl/2012/10/1923.html
"倒戈将军"冯玉祥 http://lihlii.blogspot.com/2012/10/blog-post_11.html
颜昌海:考察苏俄后蒋介石为什么坚定反共 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/01/16/94422111/
"联俄联共,扶助农工"的骗局 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/01/08/92696490/
为什么说孙蒋国民党是黑帮 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/11/03/167452229/ http://lihlii.blogspot.nl/2012/11/blog-post_9709.html
陈炯明与孙文的决裂 http://lihlii.blogspot.nl/2012/10/blog-post_1345.html
袁伟时 答阳光时务:孙中山和国民党摧毁了辛亥革命 / 谢幼田:评袁伟时捍卫军阀诬蔑孙中山 兼论 军阀毁法、护法当然 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/06/27/141449599/
由维新派转变为立宪革命派的唐长才和自立军起义 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/02/07/99783485/
张耀杰:孙中山与章太炎、宋教仁的党见之争 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/06/23/140548864/
楚梦:作为政治家的宋教仁 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/06/23/140568974/
080205 思公:宋教仁谋杀案之谜 http://lihlii.blogspot.com/2012/12/080205.html
朱怀远:宋教仁被刺案的政治目的分析 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/01/16/94443960/
台湾政治大学政治系副教授孙善豪对宋教仁的评价 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/06/23/140559907/
孙文下令暗杀批评中华革命党的名记者黄远生 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/06/23/140531719/
陶成章案与光复会的灭亡 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2010/07/18/23346171/
孙中山先生如何隐瞒身份加入美国国籍 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2010/09/24/28880564/
孙文如何隐瞒身份加入美国国籍 2 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/02/27/2-65193/
孙文致日本首相大隈重信密信是否和袁世凯竞相卖国? http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/02/07/99732397/
孙文致日本首相大隈重信密信是否和袁世凯竞相卖国? 2 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/02/09/2-11349/
孙中山 和 袁世凯 究竟谁亲日卖国 孙文 致日本首相 大隈重信 的密信 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2013/03/01/175812751/
对孙文的五权宪法的看法 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2010/09/24/28881540/
孙中山美国国籍档案图片 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/02/27/105672889/

一些大陸國粉對小蔣幾乎已經到了崇拜的地步 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/02/27/105739164/
谁废止了国民党在台湾的独裁统治? http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/02/25/104951689/
国民党《共产党人自首法》《非常时期取缔集会、演说办法》《非常时期人民团体组织纲领》和"反省院" http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/02/07/99795864/
黃文雄 著:國父(孫中山)與阿Q 國父是賣國賊? http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/01/24/95972129/

黃文雄:中華民國體制是如何產生的 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/02/07/99777115/
台湾民族主义 国家认同 主权定位 人权 文汇 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/01/24/95972163/
蕭欣義:國共長期倡導台灣獨立的史實 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/01/24/95972077/
毛澤東台獨言論考 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/01/24/95968479/

《金融时报》麻省理工学院斯隆管理学院教授 黄亚生: 为什么中国需要左派 http://lihlii.blogspot.com/2012/03/blog-post_8327.html
美国金融危机后反右派资本家的纪录片 资本主义:一个爱情故事 Capitalism A Love Story http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/12/07/capitalism-a-love-story/
影评: 资本主义:一个爱情故事 Capitalism A Love Story http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/12/07/capitalism-a-love-story-3390/ 2 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/12/07/capitalism-a-love-story-02/
Nick Hanauer:给富人减税不能增加工作职位 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/12/07/nick-hanauer/

为什么专制权力惯用恐惧慑服术 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/08/164598529/
050621 透视中国 杨景端:中国社会的斯德哥尔摩综合症 一个医生的视角  http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/08/050621/
斯德哥尔摩综合症(Stockholm syndrome)  http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/08/stockholm-syndrome/
斯德哥尔摩综合症 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/08/164593118/
070908 空荡的原野:被误解的'斯德哥尔摩综合症' http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/08/070908/
断桥:我们中国人是这样治疗斯德哥尔摩综合症的 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/08/164592630/
JavaEye IT技术网站的斯德哥尔摩综合症 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/08/javaeye-it/
邓海建:我们是否都患上了斯德哥尔摩症候群 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/08/164592933/

"太君"是什么意思 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/09/14/160932896/
立里左右开弓反击无神论和基督教思想专制土奴洋奴 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/06/05/136059545/
121130 聯合報:清華大學社會系教授孫立平:革命悄悄開始了 大陸剩5年改革 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/12/02/121130-5/
关于原教旨主义的误解 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/09/05/159068736/
人民素质、儒教和民主 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/15/165277267/

宋彬彬(宋要武)和文革红卫兵的历史反思 http://lihlii.blogspot.nl/2012/10/blog-post_26.html
立里:为什么说《天安门》是一部谎言大片 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/01/17/94708027/
中共党员 韩丁 William Hinton 和红卫兵卡玛 Carma Hinton http://lihlii.blogspot.nl/2012/10/william-hinton-carma-hinton.html
胡平:《八九点钟的太阳》观后感 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/10/26/166661802/
120604 封从德:半真=谎言 质疑《天安门》一片 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/06/05/120604-41847/
111012 封从德:關於柴玲回憶的聲明 http://lihliiposterous.wordpress.com/2012/06/16/111012/
王容芬论卡玛 http://lihlii.blogspot.nl/2012/10/blog-post_8947.html

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公民的VI(视觉识别系统)标志做的挺好

513 @ChangesInChina 2013-08-05 21:43:00 UTC
公民的VI(视觉识别系统)做的挺好,鼎力支持,齐扩散!望许志永等诸人早出来!@ZhouFengSuo @wenyunchao @mashaofang @HeQinglian @hu_jia @pearlher@baozuitun pic.twitter.com/IczEPhxvNE


Hu Jia 胡佳 @hu_jia 2013-08-06 00:00:42 UTC
丁家喜律师请志愿者尝试设计、制作和传播的。他们使用公民,一个原因是当局很难把"公民"二字变成网络敏感词。@ChangesInChina 公民的VI(视觉识别系统)做的挺好……望许志永等诸人早出来! pic.twitter.com/6S5NyqEyj5

蓝无忧 @WuyouLan 2013-08-06 00:04:17 UTC
"公民"是孫文手書> @hu_jia 丁家喜律师请志愿者尝试设计、制作和传播的。他们使用公民,一个原因是当局很难把"公民"二字变成网络敏感词。>@ChangesInChina 公民的VI(视觉识别系统)做的挺好…pic.twitter.com/Vsk9DxxwlJ

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-31 14:19:07 UTC
很好的设计,温暖可爱。但不应该被许普交垄断、污损。>@ChangesInChina 公民的VI(视觉识别系统)。。望许志永等诸人早出来! pic.twitter.com/7t1yj61j5Q @denghao_ @hu_jia

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-31 14:21:00 UTC
我对比了,不是孙文的字体。是某个书法字库里的。如果用孙文的,就糟糕了,谬种继续流传。>@WuyouLan "公民"是孫文手書 @hu_jia @ChangesInChina

集思 @T_7 2014-01-31 14:23:34 UTC
孙文那笔奸人字真心令人反胃 @lihlii: 我对比了,不是孙文的字体。是某个书法字库里的。如果用孙文的,就糟糕了,谬种继续流传。>@WuyouLan "公民"是孫文手書 @hu_jia @ChangesInChina

lihlii @lihlii 2014-02-01 00:35:09 UTC
"公民"标志字体和孙文笔迹对比 >@ChangesInChina @T_7 @WuyouLan @ZhouFengSuo @denghao_ @henry_737 @hu_jia @mashaofang @wenyunchao pic.twitter.com/oP0W1KwUfn

左上角为公民标志字体,其他为孙文到处题字"天下为公"不同版本字体

唐荆陵 @ginlian 2013-12-17 13:25:22 UTC
公民不合作运动的标志暂时用这一款,底色尚未调整完成。欢迎设计家继续帮助修订,设计文案请看相应旧推 pic.twitter.com/koBxJT4LrH


#世界人权宣言抄写 将留言和手抄纸张的图片用电邮发送到 udhr1948.chaoxie@blogger.com 即可张贴到 http://udhrhw.blogspot.com ;或发送到 udhr1948+chaoxie@gmail.com 由管理员转发至博客。建议在邮件标题中写明你想公布的网络身份(如推特、微博帐号,电邮地址等)、昵称或姓名、以便于避免重复搜集发布。

2014年1月31日星期五

黄佶:马克思政治经济学错在哪里?(图解《资本异论》)

Subject: 交流:马克思政治经济学错在哪里?(图解《资本异论》)
Date: Fri, 31 Jan 2014 23:02:35 +0800
From: 黄佶 Huang Ji ECNU <jhuang@comm.ecnu.edu.cn>
To: lihlii <lihlii64@gmail.com>, lihlii-g <lihlii@googlegroups.com>

你好!感谢你向大家推荐我的《资本异论》一书,为了便于大家了解该书主要观点,我把该书主要观点做成了示意图(在信末),通俗易懂,一目了 然,欢迎大家转发。

黄佶



---------- Origin message ----------
>From:"lihlii" <lihlii64@gmail.com>
>To:"lihlii-g" <lihlii@googlegroups.com>
>Subject:由黄佶《中国政改路线设计图》谈精英主义、突尼斯民主革命立宪
>Date:2014-01-29 00:53:33

由除习夜骂战想到的中共国共匪极右法西斯洗脑之深 2

那些鼓吹劳动自食其力是正确的伦理价值观的人,应该看看纳粹党集中营上的口号:劳动创造自由。共匪也是同样鼓吹"劳动改造",认为劳动才能将罪犯 改造成服从其制度约束的顺民。
所以,劳动自食其力,不但不是正确的价值观,而且长期更多地被左右派极权作为掠夺、奴役、镇压和惩罚人民的手段。

我刚到荷兰发现,在街上很少看到小摊小贩。据说不可以随便摆摊,摆摊也需要政府颁发营业执照。有出国避难的中共国维权人士因为"非法"摆摊谋生而 被警察抓过,这是为了自食其力而不被民主社会的法律许可的情形。你想要逼迫这种人"自食其力"去工作,反而是在逼迫他们做违法的事情。

野罂粟介绍说在德国的政治难民领救济金,有免费的房子住,但不允许打工。但这是美化了政治难民的普遍处境。她说的是某些政治难民,而不是所有的, 尤其是正在申请难民身份的漫长手续等待期中的人,生存条件是极差的,不但不许打工"自食其力",而且也没有救济。怎么办?一靠向朋友"乞讨",二 就靠打黑工做非法雇员了。而这是违法的,但许多中共国人不知道。

在中共国制度下,根本没有对穷人的福利救济制度,所以让穷人自生自灭自寻活路,为了推卸长期乱政导致耗尽人民血汗钱的恶劣状况,将国营企业本来应 该占有一份公有资产的工人,基本没有补偿地解雇,并倒打一耙责备他们自己不努力,要他们自寻活路"再就业"。所以很多中共国人习惯了自己去找任何 工作,摆小摊,都是合理的谋生手段,并不清楚其在具有福利制度的民主国家往往是非法的,因为其也可能冲击市场秩序。不理解这种制度原因的中共国新 移民,看到荷兰等欧美国家很多穷人即便领失业救济也不去摆摊谋生,就按照中共国的只收税不管事的腐败卖国政府的例子,认为荷兰、欧美人这些穷人比 中共国人懒惰,这是自己无知还鄙视别人的情形,就如何清涟。;)

在荷兰,只有女王节时政府允许个人不需要许可就可以摆摊卖自己家里收藏的旧货,不收税,也不需要营业执照,但也需要事先租用摆摊地点。但别人不许 随便摆摊"非法经营",配套有完善的福利制度,如果你生活无法自我支持,可以得到政府的福利救济,在福利制度完善的国家,这种救济往往可以达到中 共国衣食住无忧的那种小康生活状态,这种社会的居民,当然就没有什么必要去非法摆摊做小生意糊口了。而对于尚未具有合法居民身份的避难申请者,就 没法得到这种救济,同时也被限制无法工作自食其力,处于被制度排斥毫无保障的境地。这是民主国家的缺陷,因为民主制度是由选民意志决定的,也就很 难照顾到并非选民,甚至连合法居民都不是的外国难民了。只有为数很少的人权组织会关注支持这群弱势群体。

而中共国则相反,既不给穷人足够温饱的失业救济,也不允许人民"自食其力"、自谋生计摆摊做小生意,而仅仅为了所谓的"市容美观"的政绩,出动以 人民赋税供养的城管去打砸抢。

所以,鼓吹人必须"自食其力",而鄙视那些因为处于弱势地位不能自食其力的人,在这种民主和专制极权社会的制度逻辑中进行对比,是多么的可耻的共 匪专制剥削压榨人民的帮凶理论?

其次,人人必须劳动自食其力的错谬观点,还和马克思主义政治经济学及古典经济学里错误的"劳动价值论"有关。对应的正确的价值理论应该是市场价值 论,对此我多次有过论述。。具体请看黄佶博士写的《资本异论》,其针对受到长期马克思主义洗脑教育的中共国人的错谬进行分析,极为清晰到位。

由 @Wxz0909 @wenyunchao @HeQinglian @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH 除习夜骂战想到的中共国共匪极右法西斯洗脑之深 http://lihlii.blogspot.com/2014/01/wxz0909-wenyunchao-heqinglian.html

世界人权宣言抄写 将留言和手抄纸张的图片用电邮发送到 udhr1948.chaoxie@blogger.com 即可张贴到 http://udhrhw.blogspot.com ,或发送到 udhr1948+chaoxie@gmail.com 由管理员转发至两个博客。建议在邮件标题中写明你想公布的网络身份(如推特、微博帐号,电邮地址等)、昵称或姓名、以便于避免重复搜集发 布。

由 @Wxz0909 @wenyunchao @HeQinglian @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH 除习夜骂战想到的中共国共匪极右法西斯洗脑之深

王雪臻 @Wxz0909 温云超 @wenyunchao 何清涟 @HeQinglian 野罂粟 @WilderMohn 张敏 @ZhMinYH 除习夜骂战实录
立里评论

目录:

  1. 超级懒人版:
  2. 懒人版:
  3. 相关骂战内容存档:
  4. 感想:

超级懒人版:

  1. 许志永、伊力哈木土赫提被共匪迫害,王雪臻发推文说希望不要只是提供"聪明人几篇文章的稿酬",而更希望有"策略反思";何清涟主动 对号入座讽刺王雪臻没本事写文章赚钱,"到处求赞助","喊口号到处乞讨"。
  2. 王雪臻反唇相讥指责何清涟"知识或许很专业",但是"心态"不专业,"和共产党有什么区别?"
  3. 何清涟羞辱王雪臻是个"宝货","按她这混法,三两年以后就残了","蒙人","无须别人抹黑,已经够黑了","这类货"是"流氓无 产者","还不如共产党执政好了"。
  4. 王雪臻愤而讥讽何清涟:"看来你不仅是别人骂过的外貌丑陋,你内心也不怎么漂亮!"
  5. 何清涟回击骂王雪臻靠美貌吃饭,"做大众情人","消费青春","吃青春饭","除了青春与她自认为有的美色之外一无所有",但其实 是"保姆气质",甚至不如保姆,"只会喊口号",智商低,"相貌算下品,矮小如三寸丁,气质不如保姆,满脸黑气,凭色相捞世界,将人权事 业当作性产业","本来就不是人",没水平听懂话,推文是别人"代笔","将人权事业当作就业机会、当作性产业","自我膨胀","将人 权、民主事业当作性产业,以色取胜","找不到饭辙","女流氓无产者"。
  6. 而何清涟称自己是"以智慧与头脑生存"。
  7. 野罂粟、张敏支持何清涟,攻击王雪臻"无品","无耻可怜","色混江湖",把圣经当作"一块板砖",并暗示王雪臻会下毒害人。
  8. 温云超支持王雪臻,介绍王雪臻在餐馆打工辛苦,而不是"将人权事业当作就业机会",说何清涟抹黑王雪臻,"要遭报应的,要遭天收 的"。
  9. 何清涟抓住这句"报应天收"的话,反复指责温云超对其进行"死亡威胁",要温提供自己的住址,她要去法庭控告。
  10. 立里认为这件争执过程中,王雪臻一开始并无敌意,被何清涟的恶意讽刺羞辱言辞刺激而引用他人对何清涟"外貌丑陋"的评价,指其"内心 不漂亮",而加入了人格攻击的骂战。但总体上是何清涟、野罂粟首先开始对王雪臻进行极其恶毒又捏造歪曲事实的人格攻击。张敏对王雪臻的攻 击言辞也很恶毒,但王雪臻对张敏、野罂粟的反应较为克制。
  11. 从何清涟、野罂粟、张敏三人对王雪臻的攻击言辞看,她们是受到我也听到过的谣言的影响,受自己的小心眼、疑心病和某些特务制造谣言的 煽惑而对王雪臻有很强的偏见。骂战中可以看到有已经确认的网狗特务 @xiexue7 煽风点火,其人也重复发布过攻击王雪臻是共匪特务的谣言。可能何清涟、野罂粟、张敏听的闲话版本就和 @xiexue7 传播的差不多。
  12. 温云超在骂战中基本保持克制有理有礼。
  13. 立里认为:何清纯小心眼、经常信口开河,而且极右奴才太重,更害中共国没法发言的工农弱势穷人,因此多次反驳其论点,在其言论极度恶 心时,对其加以辱骂。立里对何清涟的臭骂,使得何清涟恨之入骨,称其为"人渣兼流氓无产者极品",不是人。

懒人版:

  1. 许志永、伊力哈木土赫提被共匪迫害,王雪臻 @wxz0909 发推文希望应该因此推动策略反思,而不仅是"聪明人几篇文章的稿酬",语带讽刺但并未明确针对某个人。
  2. 何清涟 @heqinglian 主动对号入座,觉得是讽刺了自己一群,回帖讽刺王雪臻没本事写文章赚钱,而是"到处求赞助","喊口号到处乞讨"。乞讨是明显的侮辱。
  3. 王雪臻感到被"抹黑"被侮辱为"乞讨",于是反唇相讥,责问何清涟"和共产党有什么区别?"指责何清涟"知识或许很专业",但是"心 态"不专业,"莫名其妙"。
  4. 野罂粟 @WilderMohn 为了帮衬何清涟,跳出来首先指责王雪臻举圣经的照片只是把圣经当作"一块板砖"。这是羞辱攻击别人的宗教信仰。
  5. 何清涟进一步羞辱王雪臻是个"宝货","按她这混法,三两年以后就残了",说她"蒙人",也就是对王雪臻提出其行骗的严重指责。说王 雪臻"无须别人抹黑,已经够黑了","这类货"是"流氓无产者","还不如共产党执政好了"。【王雪臻还记得自己和何培荣 @pearlher 一唱一和地泼粪侮辱刘沙沙 @lss007 是"流氓无产者"的时候么?现在又被自以为拿着美国政府施舍的钱过上了"中产"生活的何清涟鄙视为"流氓无产者"了呀。而王雪臻、温云超两 个也曾以学历、智商等理由鄙视刘沙沙,而专门挑她的不顺眼羞辱她"乞讨"。这下子自己也成了死懦伯何清涟眼中的吃民运"乞讨"饭,这也是 报应呀。同样是读过大学的人, 温云超、何清涟、华泽 @hz8964 等可以被著名大学用美国纳税人的施舍接济提供一个职位,而王雪臻只 能到处靠朋友接济和打工,所以温云超提到其在餐馆工作,而被张敏、野罂粟复加以狡辩式的羞辱。如果不是王雪臻和温云超的圈子混得还可以, 估计也会被 温云超这样的死懦伯鄙视,你们就看不到今天的"大胡子英雄救矮个小美人"了。:) 】
  6. 王雪臻愤而讥讽何清涟:"看来你不仅是别人骂过的外貌丑陋,你内心也不怎么漂亮!"
  7. 于是何清涟接着这句话开始装受害者,指责王雪臻骂人。:) 和野罂粟一起开始更严重地对王雪臻进行羞辱,骂她"女流氓无产者",指责她的推文是别人代写的,智力低,,反而说王雪臻"语言暴力"。并进一步引申到什么 共产党靠王学臻这类"流氓无产者"革命,云云。
  8. 对于"流氓无产者"的指责,王雪臻反击说,自己"在国内有几套房子","不以消费国内的人和事谋生吃饭,我的经济来源与民主维权无干 "。
  9. 何清涟回击说:"美人走遍天下都有饭吃。祝你年年美貌如花,而且驻颜有术。" 暗示读者王雪臻是靠美貌吃饭。并攻击王雪臻只会"喊几 句口号",智商低。
  10. 明明是何清涟说""美人走遍天下有饭吃"借以攻击王雪臻,但野罂粟硬要倒打一耙说这句话是王雪臻说的。
  11. 何清涟说自己"我以智慧与头脑生存",骂王雪臻"保姆气质","矮个","消费青春","吃青春饭","除了青春与她自认为有的美色 之外一无所有","做大众情人"。
  12. 王雪臻回击何清涟,说她"更年期重度抑郁症患者,如此多疑还有迫害妄想且狂躁,已有精神病倾向,这病得电"。
  13. 张敏 @zhminyh 加入战团支持何清涟,指责王雪臻"动辄说别人老丑",骂她是"无品","无耻可怜","色混江湖"。
  14. 王雪臻好言回应说:相由心生,人丑俊都无碍,关键要心地善良。张老师,您不了解事情得来龙去脉!
  15. 何清涟继续攻击王雪臻:不具备文明社会生活的基本教养,心理恐慌,色艺俱差,无法体面生存,将人权事业当作性产业。这里开始进一步无 根据地侮辱王雪臻从事"性产业"。
  16. 何清涟继续攻击王雪臻:相貌算下品,矮小如三寸丁,气质不如保姆,满脸黑气,凭色相捞世界。
  17. 温云超 @wenyunchao 加入战团讽刺何清涟"学者风范",为王雪臻说话。
  18. 何清涟继续攻击王雪臻:"本来就不是人",没水平听懂话,推文是别人"代笔","将人权事业当作就业机会、当作性产业","自我膨 胀","将人权、民主事业当作性产业,以色取胜","找不到饭辙"。
  19. 王雪臻解释说,自己的推文从未提何清涟,也没有发送给她,相互也没有订阅,关于许志永、伊力哈木,何清涟也没写文章,干嘛要回帖和自 己对骂?
  20. 何清涟进一步歪曲王雪臻的语意,说她强迫自己写文章,"道德绑架",使许志永和伊力哈木"蒙羞"。
  21. 王雪臻骂何清涟"狡辩,无耻下作"。
  22. 何清涟骂王雪臻"恶语撒泼",并狡辩说自己只是问了一下说的是谁,就被王雪臻"立马就以老丑骂人"【此处歪曲事实】,说王雪臻"心里 有鬼"【其实是何清涟自己心里有鬼才会自动对号入座】,"无耻下作",并要求王雪臻"有本事胆量就指名道姓, 不要心有所指地骂了人"。【然而何清涟自己就经常阴阳怪气含沙射影地骂人。:) 】
  23. 何清涟骂王雪臻:"胁肩谄笑,为人拎包","连人话也不会说","指桑骂槐,恶语撒泼","耍赖","将维权人权事业当作以色立身的 产业"。
  24. 王雪臻骂何清涟"耍泼皮"。
  25. 何清涟骂王雪臻"吃教"。
  26. 王雪臻骂何清涟"不要脸","渣渣"。
  27. 何清涟说王雪臻和温云超"同类相聚",温云超说"想当王雪臻是自己妹妹",指出何清涟捏造歪曲事实,王雪臻并不靠"喊口号到处乞讨" 生存,而是"每天到餐馆打工十余小时",并因此手过劳而需要停工休息。并说何清涟"抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应的,要遭天收的"。
  28. 张敏重复了两次对温云超、王雪臻的质疑:1.究竟是谁把她诱骗到美国来受罪的?2.她在中国是否劳动自食其力?3.她在美国干活是自 愿还是被迫超时劳动?4.在机会均等下,有否谁阻挡她另作选择?5.你既如此爱护她,快帮她找不用劳动的地方养起来?6.似曾相识红卫兵 剩货:"谁要敢说X不好,马上要他见阎王…"7.语言暴力是党国余孽常态,但请小心:这里是美国!8.想到X女在推上曾诡秘谈到某剧毒致 命化学品,特请推友小心!9.请大家收存此推,如有相关人士今后人身安全发生可疑问题,备考。10.才明白难怪此女发推贬抑从事文字工作 以稿费为生者,挑起今次事端!【其中每一条都是歪曲事实的狡辩。】
  29. 何清涟指控温云超说的"天收"是"发出死亡威胁",因为这是"不得好死"的意思。她并施恩临时解除对温的屏蔽,要求他回应。
  30. 何清涟说:"王雪臻打餐馆工,自食其力,很光荣,与我依靠专业知识为生一样。无非都是延续在国内的职业。" 【意思是说王雪臻在国内也是在餐馆打工,而她自己是"靠专业知识为生"。:) 但这里何清涟又开始歪曲事实对人隐晦地加以鄙视,因为她曾用"保姆气质"作为辱骂王雪臻的词汇,现在又装作尊重"餐馆打工"。而且她曾捏造事实攻击王雪臻 "喊 口号到处乞讨"生存,靠美貌吃饭"美人走遍天下都有饭吃","将人权事业当作性产业,将维权人权事业当作以色立身的产业,凭色相捞世界,是流 氓无产者"。那么,在餐馆打工的是否"流氓无产者"呢?如果何清涟真的知道"王雪臻打餐馆工,自食其力,很光荣",为何又故意捏造骂她 "将 人权事业当作性产业凭色相捞世界",靠美貌吃饭? 】
  31. 野罂粟接着张敏的话,讽刺王雪臻"在餐馆工作,有可能不经意地就学了中国食品化学",意指王雪臻会下毒害人。无端地制造谣言。
  32. 对温云超为王雪臻的辛苦工作说话,何清涟阴阳怪气讽刺说:"国际共运养活一大批职业革命家的思维很害人,弄得一些本来依靠劳动自食其 力的人来了美国后仍需自食其力深感委屈。" 意思是说,你辛苦是应该的,就是你受共匪职业革命家思维所以才认为不应该自食其力。但她为啥就不认为自己应该去餐馆打工呢?
  33. 野罂粟介绍说在德国的政治难民领救济金,有免费的房子住,但不允许打工。也就是说,其实政府不允许难民"自食其力"。
  34. 何清涟表示说不知道美国如何,她自己"来美国后,一直工作。" 【她是做什么工作呢?其实就是她自己用来骂王雪臻的,"色艺俱差,无法体面生存,将人权事业当作就业机会",写一些美国人根本不可能读的,不上主流英文媒 体的扯淡二道贩子文章,领美国纳税人施舍的项目经费。:)】
  35. 野罂粟继续捏造并以鄙视体力劳动者的心态攻击王雪臻:"在国内是体力劳动者,出了国还干体力劳动,可不心里不好受?况且人家还是位年 轻美貌的女子,要以美貌走遍天下有饭吃"。
  36. 王雪臻澄清:我不是民运,在国内不从事体力劳动,自个儿挣钱自个儿花,资金来源也跟社会事务无干。【这就是当初她和何培荣 @pearlher 因为自己的工作条件而鄙视、攻击侮辱刘沙沙 @lss007 的理由。现在遭到报应了,也被别人以同样的理由侮辱攻击了。;) 如果王雪臻在国内不是从事体力劳动的,那么为何何清涟、野罂粟在骂人 时,硬要将其说成是体力劳动者呢?这是什么心态呢?无非就是认为体力劳动者是好欺负可以鄙视的。就如一群共匪奴才为了攻击辱骂立里,经常 将立里说成是"法轮功""轮子"一样。这几个人互骂,但从不自我反省。而王雪臻和很多以出卖哲学自保的人一样,否认自己是"民运"。你是 不是民运按什么标准?你自以为是"维权人士"就不算共匪最残忍打击的民运?就能自保?休想。你已经进了民运圈子。;) 我最厌恶这种出卖哲学,所以我被狗奴才当作"法轮功"、"轮子"骂的时候,我从来不说"我不是法轮功"这类屁话。】
  37. 王雪臻指责张敏"扣帽子抓辫子打棍子,凭空泼污,你跟红卫兵还有什么两样。" 【这一指责我认为是符合事实的。】
  38. 何清涟反复指控温云超"发出死亡威胁"。但温云超觉得太可笑而不理。何清涟说要"寻求司法保护",要温云超给她住址,否则就去打听。
  39. 温云超讽刺说,警察会将何清涟送进精神病院。
  40. 何清涟说温云超"你用农村老妇诅咒人的话都不嫌丢人"。【可见她又鄙视"农村老妇"。这是极右死懦伯的通病,羞辱弱势群体。其次, "农村老妇诅咒人"就等于"死亡威胁"?笑死人了。】
  41. 何清涟说自己要准备"法律文书,诉讼成立,传票送达","间接的死亡诅咒(在美国不少州法里,这等于死亡威胁)"。
  42. 野罂粟指责温云超动用"语言暴力",推文不文明,"文明度跟国保、公安相差不远"。
  43. 何清涟自己做了一番逻辑推理,认为温云超"职业歧视(歧视打餐馆工),逻辑错误,死亡威胁"。【看这段奇文可以知道何清纯的文章都是 些什么垃圾推理。:)】
  44. 温云超要求何清涟"回家补习逻辑"。

相关骂战内容存档:

  1. 何清纯 @heqinglian 说:就让共产党呆在台上好了 http://lihlii.blogspot.com/2014/01/heqinglian.html
  2. 何清纯 @heqinglian 说:我美不美,我自己知道  http://lihlii.blogspot.com/2014/01/heqinglian_28.html
  3. 何清纯 @heqinglian 自晒无品 凭色相捞世界实在有点迟暮了 http://lihlii.blogspot.com/2014/01/heqinglian_29.html
  4. 何清纯 @heqinglian 一个连自己长相美丑都丧失了感觉且自我膨胀的极右死懦伯 http://lihlii.blogspot.com/2014/01/heqinglian_30.html
  5. 除夕夜温北风 @wenyunchao 大战何清纯 @heqinglian http://lihlii.blogspot.com/2014/01/wenyunchao-heqinglian.html

感想:

看各方骂战中,无论正反方,都有一个共同的论点基础:没有工作,不"自食其力"的人,就是可鄙的。这是中共国长期掠夺人民的洗脑教育产生的后果, 而这些奴才都毫不觉察。我以前也同样自然如此认为,到了荷兰,才发现自己有很多观念是被洗脑的谬论。在参观荷兰议会的时候,受到荷兰工党PvdA 的议员接待,介绍议会的情况,表达工党对新移民群体的关注。在议会的工党党团会议室的墙上,我看到一幅竞选海报,是以前的工党领袖的照片,配着一 句话:"没有工作的人应该和有工作的人得到同样的对待"。这句话对当时的我来说是匪夷所思:没有工作怎么能和有工作的人同样对待呢?难道没工作也 发工资吗?

后来稍通荷兰语之后,每天看电视新闻,关注荷兰的政治辩论,才慢慢理解了工党等左派政党这种主张的理由何在。并不是说无论有没有工作都有同样的收 入,而是在社会政策上,公共事务上,有没有工作不应该成为被歧视性对待的理由。比如选票就是一个例子,选举权和被选举权,经过民主化以后,已经和 财产,是否工作无关,否则当初"女性选举权"就根本没法实现,因为当时绝大部分女性都是"没有工作"做家庭妇女、全职母亲的。其次,如果将家务工 作也当作是"工作",再论有没有工作的差别,那么对那些没有收入的工作者,算不算是工作呢?对那些有事业但无收入的职业作家,艺术家,算不算是有 工作呢?这个问题就会说不清了。即便按照"失业注册"的标准来看,这些失业者,难道就应该被鄙视吗?

共匪就是不断灌输这种鄙视无工作,或者无受雇佣工作的人群,在共匪的法院布告中,经常将罪犯写成"无业",以配合"无业游民"的暗示加以羞辱,尤 其是对政治异议人士,更是频繁采用这种方式先剥夺其工作机会,然后以"无业游民"加以污名化。从事全职维权民运事业的人,不但个人牺牲极大,而且 还因为缺乏生存经济来源,而经常需要他人资助,经常遭受共匪奴才走狗及何清涟这类极右奴才的羞辱攻击,而使他们更为艰难。

而在荷兰民主社会中,因为有左派政党的支持,在社会公共事务中,无业失业者多多少少能得到相对平等的待遇,并得到福利制度的救济。这些救济在习惯 成自然后,早就被认为是基本人权,而使得无业失业者不但很多并不以失业为羞耻,而且经常抨击政府不能制造足够的就业机会来让他们得到工作。政治家 们在民主选举的竞选压力下,即便是极右派的政党,也不敢公开表示对无业、失业者的鄙视,否则会冒天下之大不韪。就算在右派势力较强的美国,共和党 候选人罗姆尼在竞选募捐资金的闭门会议中大放厥词侮辱领取救济金的失业者是寄生虫,录像被民主党公开,作为攻击共和党的依据,可见这即便在美国共 和党也是不敢公开大放厥词的,否则就是政治丑闻。

这是民主社会的基本人权观念,普遍伦理价值标准。即便保守主义者主张个人自治,右派主张反对对富人加税去救济穷人,但无论哪个党派都接受一个共同 价值观,即:对穷人的尊重和政策性的救济是必要的,只是对补贴程度,税收比例的争议左右派进行讨价还价。没有一个主流政党敢于鄙视穷人,甚至以 "无业失业"作为攻击侮辱别人的理由的。

因为,民主社会普遍认为,无业失业人群的大批存在,首先是政府失职的耻辱,而不是个人的耻辱。如果有工作职位而不好好做,才是个人的不努力。而对 于少数希望追求个人信仰和某些特殊价值的人来说,有赚钱的工作不做,而去做不赚钱的事业,甚至宁愿全世界流浪进行学习、传播,也是受到尊重的选择。

在传统有宗教信仰的社会,恰恰受到普遍尊重的僧侣,被认为是有知识修养的人,恰恰按照何清涟这种极右派概念来说,是"不自食其力",到处乞讨过活 的。而且佛祖释迦摩尼为了保持僧侣的独立性,恰恰立下戒律要求僧侣不得持有私产,就是要做"无产者",托钵乞讨,吃百家饭,穿百衲衣,认为这样才不会被聚敛财富的目的污染信仰。国际知名的人权组织"大赦国际",其所有开支,包括全职职员的工资,都是由民众捐款来支持的,按照何清涟的标 准,也是"靠乞讨吃饭"。这些都是何清涟认为可以鄙视并加以侮辱攻击的吗?

以前看罗斯福总统提出的"四大自由":言论自由、信仰自由、免于贫困及免于恐惧的自由。其前两个对于自由主义的右派是容易理解的共识,但免于贫困 怎么也能算是自由呢?以前有些想不通。后来了解到民主社会的基本人权思想,才知道其实这是很容易理解的事情。你能虐待饿死囚犯吗?连囚犯即便是犯 罪了,都要有衣食确保,那么对自由人难道社会不是更有责任确保基本的衣食吗?在共匪专制制度中,用虐待强迫囚犯做苦役来掠夺他们并恐吓监狱外的其 他人;但在民主社会,这是不被允许的,不但侵犯人权,而且会冲击自由公民的就业和自由市场的秩序。这一点在《肖申克的救赎》里有所反映,想敛财的 监狱官员驱使囚犯去承包工程,进行不正当竞争并造成恶劣的虐待囚犯的后果。正因为如此,欧美国家对中共国出口监狱劳改犯生产的奴工产品,激烈抵 制。

那么,在民主社会,如果连对于囚犯都不能强迫其"自食其力",又怎么可以将"自食其力"作为对自由公民的基本要求,对不能做到这一点的加以侮辱 呢?民主政府应该做的是,提供无业失业者的就业机会,而无权指责那些失业者。社会伦理鄙视的是那些有工作但不负责甚至胡作非为、作恶危害社会的 人,比如大量盗取公共金融体系的钻营的银行家,贪腐的政客和企业管理者。

这是有经济学理由的。因为受雇用的工作者,其提供的是人力资源商品,在就业工作时,是和雇主进行人力资源的自由贸易交换。自然,他必须有权进行或 者拒绝这种交换,否则就不存在人力资源的自由市场,而是一个强买强卖的非自由市场。如果强迫任何人都必须有工作,否则就遭到鄙视侮辱,那就是强迫 有某个商品的人必须出卖,这岂不是非常荒谬吗?

而且,自由的市场经济之所以产生商业利润,就在于公平的交易对买卖双方都有利益,是互利互惠的。所以,受雇工作者得到工资收入的利益,而雇佣者也 得到比自己做同样的事情价格更低、规模更大、效率更高的雇佣利益。这就是商品经济利润的来源:分工优势。所以,没有工作的人,只是没有提供雇主得 到这种利益,但同时自己也损失了相应的利益。即便得到失业救济,是低于工作的工资的。所以在健全的,定价合理的和人力资源自由市场匹配的福利制度 中,不应该存在宁愿不工作而领救济金的情形,除非他有特别的情况,比如伤病残疾,比如年龄能力本来不足,比如性别不能匹配工作需求,比如教育背景 技能无法满足变化的市场需求,比如个人信仰和价值观追求其他事业,如艺术家群体、维权和民运人士经常是穷困潦倒也不愿意换工作的。

其次,在不理想的市场条件下,并非所有人力资源交换都是公平的,有的人赚便宜极多,付出成本少而得到的收入高; 而有的人付出成本多而得到的收入低,甚至低于其人力资源再生产的成本,也就是亏本在工作。所以,并非你有工作就是在为社会做贡献,也许你在掠夺社会,比如 那些钻营制度缺陷制造金融泡沫的银行家,比如共匪贪官污吏,都在工作。甚至共匪雇佣的国暴等打手,更是镇压人民的刽子手,他们在迫害人民时,往往 会说"这是我们的工作"。这种工作甚至是害人的作恶。

所以,别以为有一份工作,有收入,就是值得骄傲,可以鄙视没有工作的无业、失业者的事情。关键要看你得到的工资,和你给社会提供的贡献之比例如 何。何清涟写的二道贩子狗屁不通的扯淡文章,社会价值往往不但微小,而且甚至是负的,信口开河误导读者,误人子弟、毁人不倦,更是可耻。而那些被 何清涟等人攻击为"将人权事业当作就业机会,到处求赞助"的维权民运人士,如果他为社会的贡献远大于他的收入,他就是值得人们尊敬的,至少比何清 涟的存在更有价值。

所以在陈光诚和纽约大学争议事件中,只有习惯了中共国极右奴才思维洗脑的人,才会攻击陈光诚是"不能自食其力",这种荒谬绝伦侮辱残疾人的话,即 便在 美国这种比欧洲偏右的社会里,任何政治家都是说不出口的。而在欧洲,如果有胆敢这样发言的政治家,一定会被媒体舆论炮轰到辞职下台。

正常民主社会的伦理价值观绝非"必须自食其力",没有工作就该受到鄙视侮辱;而是:有工作的要对工作尽责,每个成年人都要对家庭尽责、对社会有所 贡献,而不在于你是否能赚足够的钱养活自己,更不会认为赚的钱越多,你就本事越大,你就对社会贡献越大。贡献价值观,替代了错误的"自食其力"的 欺负弱势群体的野蛮价值观。

这种"自食其力"的价值观的错谬,可以用一个反例来说明。在传统社会,女性大部分从事家庭家务,全职主妇,是不拿工资的,也就谈不上"自食其力的 工作"了。除非你将家庭也变成一个雇佣劳动的公司,丈夫是雇主,妻子成了雇员出卖家务服务,否则,就可以攻击女性"不能自食其力"。这是怎样的扭 曲的价值观?

从这个除习夜的骂战,也可以看出中共国共匪极右法西斯洗脑之深,深入骨髓。

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除夕夜温北风 @wenyunchao 大战何清纯 @heqinglian

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:51:29 UTC
虽然我经常调戏臭骂 @wenyunchao ,也曾言辞责骂 @Wxz0909 ,但除习夜这场大戏,我没挑到他们两个什么错,而可耻可鄙的是 @HeQinglian 的姚文元"写作逻辑"及其支持者 @WilderMohn 的党同伐异嘴脸。 @ZhMinYH

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:51:51 UTC
而 @ZhMinYH 因为被煽惑于"特务"传闻而不辨是非。 @wenyunchao @Wxz0909 @HeQinglian @WilderMohn @suyutong

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-29 07:45:02 UTC
>@HeQinglian: 你的妈让全世界的人操遍了, http://lihlii.blogspot.nl/2012/09/heqinglian.html >@wenyunchao @zhuipili @WilderMohn @Wxz0909 @ZhMinYH @bigislandwa @gaodongmei @hhhjh5

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-29 07:45:13 UTC
>@HeQinglian 还有你一家的女人都成为蛋户。你家的男人成为鸭子。 @wenyunchao @zhuipili @WilderMohn @Wxz0909 @ZhMinYH @bigislandwa @gaodongmei @hhhjh5

評論員何家維 @hhhjh5 2014-01-29 10:10:44 UTC
@lihlii @HeQinglian @wenyunchao @zhuipili @WilderMohn @Wxz0909 @ZhMinYH @bigislandwa @gaodongmei 我靠,,你不至于吧?出口问候人家母亲???我一直认为只有五毛才会这样,而且是低级五毛。

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-29 13:28:52 UTC
对付什么人,就用什么方式。她与你是一路人,所以只配我用这种方式对待。我绝对不会在你这类人面前以"学者风范"划地为牢。着急了吧?她倒是挺适 合加入你那队伍,气质、背景都极其相似,同类相聚。RT @wenyunchao

追皮狸 @zhuipili 2013-05-19 12:52:09 UTC
终于看到原文了,忍着没吐,可惜啊RT @HeQinglian: "刘小枫:今天宪政的最大难题是如何评价毛泽东" http://www.21ccom.net/articles/sxwh/shsc/article_2013051783576_2.html 。但这文章只适宜当年曾做过走向未来丛书编委的王歧山看。对于习来说,太费神了,好比拿法国大餐给只喜欢红烧肉的毛品尝

追皮狸 @zhuipili 2013-06-26 22:50:21 UTC
通篇对斯诺登行为是否正义躲闪不言,只对美国政府行为是否合法进行辩护,文末的"胜利属于西方政府"更是深有党宣风采 #我们都是毒奶养大的"@aiww: 斯案上一面倒的抹黑文章实属罕见 @HeQinglian  斯诺登事件的多重效应 http://www.bbc.co.uk/zhongwen/simp/focus_on_china/2013/06/130617_cr_snowden.shtml "

追皮狸 @zhuipili 2013-08-03 02:51:27 UTC
酸死了。何老师还真操不完的"后妈心",当初咬定小斯虽远必被"诛",现在转脸就成了cctv"外国更乱"的亲子腔RT @aiww RT @HeQinglian: 无非是对你那心爱的斯诺登,我很有三分瞧不来。就让他呆俄罗斯好了。也许普金会让他知道做美国小少爷时没体验到的世界是什么样

高冬梅 @gaodongmei 2014-01-29 13:46:48 UTC
啊呀,何老师我不是垃圾呢,我是人呢,看到您骂人好开心!祝您吉祥"@HeQinglian: 你是被我拉黑的垃圾,还是与温云超@wenyunchao 一起互相安慰吧。你们对自己人的毒舌脏话伤人视之为理所当然。我这里,你还是离得越远越好。RT @zhuipili

北风(温云超, Yunchao Wen) @wenyunchao 2014-01-29 14:19:30 UTC
我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿而严重发作,不得不停工休息。不能打工的时候,还去声援国 内维权。 攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应的,要遭天收的。 @HeQinglian @ZhMinYH @zhuipili @gaodongmei

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 22:37:25 UTC
1.究竟是谁把她诱骗到美国来受罪的?RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿而严重发作…不能打工…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人, 要遭报应的,要遭天收的。 @zhuipili @gaodongmei

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 22:38:30 UTC
2.她在中国是否劳动自食其力?RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿而严重发作…不能打工…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人, 要遭报应的,要遭天收的。 @zhuipili @gaodongmei

他乡异客 @TXYiKe 2014-01-29 22:40:47 UTC
@ZhMinYH @wenyunchao @zhuipili @gaodongmei 拥有自由灵魂的人在中国会窒息而死。

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 22:40:52 UTC
3.她在美国干活是自愿还是被迫超时劳动?RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿而严重发作…不能打工…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人, 要遭报应的,要遭天收的。@zhuipili @gaodongmei

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 22:43:07 UTC
4.在机会均等下,有否谁阻挡她另作选择?RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿而严重发作…不能打工…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人, 要遭报应的,要遭天收的。@zhuipili @gaodongmei

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 22:45:54 UTC
5.你既如此爱护她,快帮她找不用劳动的地方养起来?RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿而严重发作…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应 的,要遭天收的。@zhuipili @gaodongmei

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 22:48:18 UTC
6.似曾相识红卫兵剩货:"谁要敢说X不好,马上要他见阎王…"RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应的,要遭天收 的。@zhuipili @gaodongmei

热推机器人 @lvv2com 2014-01-29 22:49:30 UTC
17+☞ RT @wenyunchao: 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应的,要遭天收 的。@zhuipili @gaodongmei

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 22:50:54 UTC
7.语言暴力是党国余孽常态,但请小心:这里是美国!RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应的,要遭天收 的。@zhuipili @gaodongmei

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 22:53:28 UTC
8.想到X女在推上曾诡秘谈到某剧毒致命化学品,特请推友小心!RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应的,要遭天收 的。@zhuipili @gaodongmei

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 22:57:53 UTC
9.请大家收存此推,如有相关人士今后人身安全发生可疑问题,备考:@wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应的,要遭天收 的。@zhuipili @gaodongmei

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 23:13:05 UTC
10.才明白难怪此女发推贬抑从事文字工作以稿费为生者,挑起今次事端!@wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应的,要遭天收 的。@zhuipili @gaodongmei

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 23:15:15 UTC
1.究竟是谁把她诱骗到美国来受罪的?RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿而严重发作…不能打工…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人, 要遭报应的,要遭天收的。@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-29 23:16:36 UTC
这位 @wenyunchao 还能创作出这样的推文,是不是向我发出死亡威胁?天收在中国就是不得好死的意思。我已经解了 温的BLOCK,请温做出正面回答。另外,王雪臻打餐馆工,自 食其力,很光荣,与我依靠专业知识为生一样。无非都是延续在国内的职业。RT @ZhMinYH

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:08:47 UTC
本娘娘已经解了你的紧箍咒,请跪到跟前来回话~ >@HeQinglian 我已经解了温的BLOCK,请温做出正面回答。 @wenyunchao @Wxz0909

YASINJAN @ReyesJiang1 2014-01-29 23:19:55 UTC
@HeQinglian @wenyunchao @ZhMinYH 坐等骂战

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 23:20:28 UTC
2.她在中国是否劳动自食其力?RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿而严重发作…不能打工…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人, 要遭报应的,要遭天收的。@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 23:21:35 UTC
3.她在美国干活是自愿还是被迫超时劳动?RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿而严重发作…不能打工…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人, 要遭报应的,要遭天收的。@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

野罂粟 @WilderMohn 2014-01-29 23:22:59 UTC
@ZhMinYH 她爆出其在国内有房产 @wenyunchao @HeQinglian

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:11:59 UTC
只能显示出你的无知。雪臻 @Wxz0909 之所以涉足维权就是房产被强拆之受害者。她当然有房产,而极右奴才何清纯 @HeQinglian 拿美国纳税人的施舍骗稿费过着中产生活,却鄙视保姆,用保姆气质骂人。 >@WilderMohn 她爆出其在国内有房产 @wenyunchao

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:12:49 UTC
极右死懦伯何清纯 @HeQinglian 对任何反对它的人,都以"流氓无产者"加以辱骂,乃至辱骂所有"无产者"都是流氓。 @Wxz0909 @WilderMohn @wenyunchao

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 23:23:06 UTC
4.在机会均等下,有否谁阻挡她另作选择?RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿而严重发作…不能打工…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人, 要遭报应的,要遭天收的。@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 23:24:33 UTC
5.你既如此爱护她,快帮她找不用劳动的地方养起来?RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿而严重发作…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应 的,要遭天收的。@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-29 23:25:53 UTC
现在的问题已经不是我以写作为生的问题,而是因为她在餐馆打工,温云超@wenyunchao 向我发出死亡威胁("天收")的问 题。我已经请他回答解释,正在静候回音。RT @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:15:18 UTC
威胁不威胁,你都会翘辫子,你迟早要被天收,哪个能逃得过?真是无耻之尤,>@HeQinglian 温云超 @wenyunchao 向我发出死亡威胁("天收")的问题。 @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:15:35 UTC
何清纯 @HeQinglian 居然将"报应,天收"说成"死亡威胁",你好可怜,楚楚动人!:) 所有佛经都是写满死亡威胁了? @wenyunchao @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 23:25:56 UTC
6.似曾相识红卫兵剩货:"谁要敢说X不好,马上让他见阎王…"RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应的,要遭天收 的。@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 23:28:13 UTC
7.语言暴力是党国余孽常态,但请小心:这里是美国!RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应的,要遭天收 的。@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 23:29:53 UTC
8.想到X女在推上曾诡秘谈到某剧毒致命化学品,特请推友小心!RT @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应的,要遭天收 的。@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 23:31:25 UTC
9.请大家收存此推,如有相关人士今后人身安全发生可疑问题,备考:@wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应的,要遭天收 的。@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 23:32:08 UTC
10.才明白难怪此女发推贬抑从事文字工作以稿费为生者,挑起今次事端!@wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿…还去声援国内维权。攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应的,要遭天收 的。@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

野罂粟 @WilderMohn 2014-01-29 23:35:10 UTC
@ZhMinYH 在餐馆工作,有可能不经意地就学了中国食品化学@wenyunchao @HeQinglian

【注意此人是共匪特务网狗】谢雪 @xiexue7 2014-01-29 23:36:39 UTC
@HeQinglian 何先生,那个王雪甄是在做秀,最近作秀的特别多,眼花缭乱,早不做,晚不做,偏偏在这个时候炒一把,目地很清楚了。 祝大家马年快乐。@wenyunchao @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

仝小鱼 @TaigaKing12 2014-01-29 23:44:32 UTC
善意提醒各位:大敌当前,针对共产党火力多强都不过分;个人恩怨的话,不必搞得尽人皆知。RT @ZhMinYH @wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹... @HeQinglian

Zhang Min @ZhMinYH 2014-01-29 23:44:42 UTC
请看或收存原推:RT@wenyunchao 我确是想当王雪臻是自己妹妹,她独自赴美,每天到餐馆打工十余小时,手部隐疾因长期潮湿而严重发作,不得不停工休息。不能打工的时候,还去声援国内维权。 攻击抹黑雪臻这样的人,要遭报应的,要遭天收的。@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

野罂粟 @WilderMohn 2014-01-29 23:48:48 UTC
@ZhMinYH @wenyunchao @HeQinglian pic.twitter.com/kDzgRmS75i


He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-29 23:52:45 UTC
这个问题确实很严重。现在看来,国际共运养活一大批职业革命家的思维很害人,弄得一些本来依靠劳动自食其力的人来了美国后仍需自食其力深感委屈。 RT @ZhMinYH 1.究竟是谁把她诱骗到美国来受罪的?@wenyunchao

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:20:04 UTC
据说是写作吃饭的人到了美国能写垃圾文章骗美国纳税人的施舍过日子而得意忘形,更奇怪吧?:) >@HeQinglian 现在看来,国际共运养活一大批职业革命家的思维很害人,弄得一些本来依靠劳动自食其力的人来了美国后仍需自食其力深感委屈。 @ZhMinYH @wenyunchao

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:21:54 UTC
你何清纯 @HeQinglian 就别装了,你连保姆都鄙视,更别说餐馆工作了,现在又吹是"自食其力",你这种极右死懦伯,真是两面装逼。 @ZhMinYH @wenyunchao @lavender_white @Tintin_duan @WilderMohn @Wxz0909

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:23:24 UTC
而 @Wxz0909 @wenyunchao 两个也曾以学历等身份鄙视 @lss007 ,而专门挑她的不顺眼羞辱她"乞讨"。这下子自己也成了死懦伯 @HeQinglian 眼中的吃民运乞讨饭,这也是报应呀。 @ZhMinYH @lavender_white @WilderMohn

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:25:19 UTC
同样是读过大学的人, @wenyunchao @HeQinglian @hz8964 等可以被著名大学用美国纳税人的施舍接济提供一个职位,而 @Wxz0909 只能到处靠朋友和打工,所以提到餐馆工作,而被 @ZhMinYH @WilderMohn 复加以狡辩式的羞辱。

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:26:57 UTC
如果不是 @Wxz0909 和某个圈子混得还可以,估计也会被 @wenyunchao 这样的死懦伯鄙视,你们就看不到今天的"大胡子英雄救矮个小美人"了。:) 你们互骂但从不自我反省。 @HeQinglian @hz8964 @ZhMinYH @WilderMohn

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:29:47 UTC
而 @Wxz0909 和很多以出卖哲学自保的人一样,否认自己是"民运"。你是不是民运按什么标准?你自以为是"维权人士"就不算共匪最残忍打击的民运?就能自保?休想。你已 经进了民运圈子。;) @wenyunchao @HeQinglian @hz8964 @ZhMinYH

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:31:03 UTC
我最厌恶这种出卖哲学,所以我被狗奴才当作"法轮功""轮子"骂的时候,我从来不说"我不是法轮功"这类屁话。 @Wxz0909 @wenyunchao @HeQinglian @hz8964 @ZhMinYH @WilderMohn

老肖 @szxiaojl 2014-01-29 23:59:41 UTC
尽情享受不必付出,这就是人们对天堂的认识。"@HeQinglian: 这个问……现在看来,国际共运养活一大批职业革命家的思维很害人,弄得一些本来依靠劳动自食其力的人来了美国后仍需自食其力深感委屈。RT @ZhMinYH 1.究竟是谁把她诱骗到美国来受罪的?@wenyunchao"

野罂粟 @WilderMohn 2014-01-30 00:00:02 UTC
@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH 在德国可以政治避难,领难民救济金,还有免费的房子住,想打工都不行,不给工卡。美国是怎样的?@wenyunchao

Jerry @loujerry 2014-01-30 00:03:00 UTC
小人嘴脸。RT @wenyunchao: 学者风范。RT @HeQinglian: 总算听你说了一回人话。但你那相貌,往满里说实在只能算下品,虽然矮小如三寸丁,我家过去请的保姆气质比你都好得多。

【注意此人是共匪特务网狗】谢雪 @xiexue7 2014-01-30 00:13:01 UTC
@HeQinglian 这些人一不留神就成了两边通吃的共特, 或许原先就是。 既然是共特,他们做任何职业都不用奇怪,无非是炒作,包装,欺骗职业需要而已。 @ZhMinYH @wenyunchao @samilestory2001 @AndyLee0001 @2334748312

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-30 00:20:29 UTC
这事我还真不知道。因为我来美国后,一直工作。即使有,肯定不如德国。RT @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH @wenyunchao

Jin Roh @Tintin_duan 2014-01-30 00:22:24 UTC
@HeQinglian @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH @wenyunchao 什麽時候打工掙錢變成受罪了呢?

野罂粟 @WilderMohn 2014-01-30 00:46:24 UTC
@Tintin_duan 是呀。人不是往高处走吗?在国内是体力劳动者,出了国还干体力劳动,可不心里不好受?况且人家还是位年轻美貌的女子,要以美貌走遍天下有饭吃,那不太自然 了?@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH @wenyunchao

【注意此人是共匪特务网狗】谢雪 @xiexue7 2014-01-30 00:46:32 UTC
@HeQinglian 免费房子是难民集中营吧,要按时回去,世界上哪白吃白住的好事。听说欧洲无国界,东欧和中东人把证件撕掉,就在西欧边境来回坐火车,巴不得碰上移民警察检 查,没证件全部收容做难民,难民营住上一两年,政府就把他们分配到各地,一般是分配到边远地区,不过他们可自由流动的

itou @lavender_white 2014-01-30 01:16:18 UTC
@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH 说得痛快。哪个出国的人都是这样子啊。语言好有专业的,就能快点找到稳定工作,如果不是的话,就会苦一点。生病了也是靠保险。不靠同情、也不靠认干亲的。

Wayne @Waynexg 2014-01-30 02:02:32 UTC
@ZhMinYH @WilderMohn @wenyunchao @HeQinglian 物以類聚人以群分。溫云超又一次漏了馬腳。

Wayne @Waynexg 2014-01-30 02:20:30 UTC
@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH @wenyunchao 張敏老師這個問題問的好!如果王雪臻來美有特殊使命,那就是為陳光誠護駕,張老師是不是該別黑我了?

独孤锐-独立维权记者 @liurui007521 2014-01-30 02:22:33 UTC
攻击抹黑,没说何老师哈,何老师没攻击抹黑呢 @ibing_360 @HeQinglian @wenyunchao @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

北风(温云超, Yunchao Wen) @wenyunchao 2014-01-30 03:12:54 UTC
原来何学者承认自己是在"攻击抹黑"王雪臻。RT @HeQinglian: 现在的问题已经不是我以写作为生的问题,而是因为她在餐馆打工,温云超 @wenyunchao 向我发出死亡威胁("天收")的问题。我已经请他回答解释,正在静候回音。RT @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

王雪臻 @Wxz0909 2014-01-30 03:58:12 UTC
@ZhMinYH 你文化课好,也不用如此预设逻辑陷阱。"诱骗",没人诱骗,我也没心理不平衡认为自己在受罪,流自己的汗吃自己的饭,香!经济独立,想帮谁,以怎样方式持 什么立场,我可以自主,自在!@wenyunchao @zhuipili @gaodongmei

王雪臻 @Wxz0909 2014-01-30 04:04:01 UTC
@ZhMinYH 我在国内虽然不从事体力劳动,但也自个儿挣钱自个儿花,自工作也没花父母的钱,资金来源也跟社会事务无干。不劳你现在操心!@wenyunchao @zhuipili @gaodongmei

王雪臻 @Wxz0909 2014-01-30 04:33:40 UTC
@ZhMinYH 你也不用把别人一棍子打成"红卫兵剩货""党国余孽"在推特上游街,我谈论参与公共议题,你指我来历不可查,你这还不就是红卫兵的"开会发言报出身",你 扣帽子抓辫子打棍子,凭空泼污,你跟红卫兵还有什么两样。@wenyunchao @HeQinglian

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-30 13:55:18 UTC
张敏女士@ZhMinYH 昨天所有的推文是针对 @wenyunchao 先生痛惜你在餐馆打工辛劳,因而对我发出死亡威胁。我 为了避免上次与你之间的纠葛,发出质询,正在等温回话呢,就请你稍安勿躁,等着看吧。如果他勇于承 认,正好他在美国,我准备寻求司法保护。RT@Wxz0909

Алтан. Алим. @altanalim 2014-01-30 13:56:24 UTC
@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH @wenyunchao @Wxz0909 恭喜发财 !!

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-30 13:59:50 UTC
温云超,你的意思是认为我抹黑王雪臻了,因而向我发出死亡威胁 ?这次我一定"学者风范",句句钉实。你承认的时候,还请告诉我你的通讯住 址。免劳我去打听。此外,只要有人抹黑王雪臻,你就会发出死亡威胁?RT @wenyunchao CC @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

moritz.chen @moritz100001 2014-01-30 14:03:10 UTC
@HeQinglian @wenyunchao @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH o什麽情况?

北风(温云超, Yunchao Wen) @wenyunchao 2014-01-30 14:07:16 UTC
@HeQinglian 寻求司法保护?他们大概会直接送你去精神病院。 @ZhMinYH @Wxz0909

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-30 14:12:34 UTC
附图里是温云超对我发出的死亡威胁。我现在再次请温云超 @wenyunchao 回答:一、只要认为有人抹黑王雪臻了,你就发出死亡威胁?二、你是否认为我抹黑王雪臻了?这两个问题只需要回答Yes or No. CC @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-30 14:15:18 UTC
请温云超@wenyunchao 不要王顾左右而言他,就直接回答我刚才那两条并告知我你的通讯地址。如果继续王顾左右而言他,就当你承认 曾对我发出死亡威胁?好不? @ZhMinYH @Wxz0909

北风(温云超, Yunchao Wen) @wenyunchao 2014-01-30 14:15:29 UTC
@HeQinglian 你能不能回家补习一下小学语文课?大过年的不要出来丢人行不?@WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-30 14:17:05 UTC
温云超,别耍赖,请直接回答是不是对我发出死亡威胁。RT @wenyunchao 你能不能回家补习一下小学语言课? @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

JackInTheLoo @cn0gd 2014-01-30 14:17:29 UTC
@wenyunchao @HeQinglian @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH 几个女人之间吵架男人去掺和是非常不智的

野罂粟 @WilderMohn 2014-01-30 14:18:47 UTC
@cn0gd 哈哈,英雄护美心切?@wenyunchao @HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

北风(温云超, Yunchao Wen) @wenyunchao 2014-01-30 14:19:11 UTC
@HeQinglian 您何大学者就继续四七二十七去吧,我可不想挨板子。顺祝过年好。 @ZhMinYH @Wxz0909

xuxin @xuxinotaku 2014-01-30 14:19:31 UTC
何老师这事我觉得你要是觉得真威胁到了你还是去报警吧。这样在推上扯这个事情跟幼儿园小朋友斗嘴似的"@HeQinglian: 温云超,别耍赖,请直接回答是不是对我发出死亡威胁。RT @wenyunchao 你能不能回家补习一下小学语言课? @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH"

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-30 14:20:11 UTC
请直接回答是否对我发出死亡威胁?至于法院如何认定是法官的事情。你用农村老妇诅咒人的话都不嫌丢人,我按照美国法律中有关 语言暴力原则追问你,光明正大。RT @wenyunchao 你能不能回家补习一下小学语文课?大过年的不要出来丢人行不? @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-30 14:23:56 UTC
怎么就是不肯承认对我发出死亡威胁?想开溜了?我留下备存,下次你再发出,别怪我不客气。来年注意少惹口舌是 非,This is America! RT @wenyunchao 您何大学者就继续四七二十七去吧,我可不想挨板子。顺祝过年好。CC @ZhMinYH @Wxz0909

北风(温云超, Yunchao Wen) @wenyunchao 2014-01-30 14:25:15 UTC
@HeQinglian 我建议你看下心理医生,看一下是不是有严重的迫害妄想症,主动堵在别人的地图炮炮口上的人不多。 @ZhMinYH @Wxz0909

jason bryant @826020017 2014-01-30 14:25:48 UTC
@HeQinglian @wenyunchao @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH 大过年的、消消气儿。

王昊天王昊天 @ayahgwht 2014-01-30 14:26:53 UTC
@wenyunchao 被迫害妄想症

wailon @doctor8888 2014-01-30 14:27:02 UTC
何清涟和北风大年夜在推上唱相声…

北风(温云超, Yunchao Wen) @wenyunchao 2014-01-30 14:28:34 UTC
@doctor8888 我捧哏,真服了老人家,也不嫌烦。

奥哥--leo @leo3194 2014-01-30 14:29:28 UTC
233RT @doctor8888: 何清涟和北风大年夜在推上唱相声…

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-30 14:29:32 UTC
温云超,我不跟你搅这些口舌是非,就请你直接回答:1、你是否认为我抹黑了王雪臻,2、因此对我发出死亡威胁?你与我的精神状态是 否正常,可以提请法庭调阅医疗纪录,由我们各自的医生在法庭上证明。RT @wenyunchao CC @ZhMinYH @Wxz0909

teddy @teddy5253 2014-01-30 14:32:09 UTC
@HeQinglian @Wxz0909 @ZhMinYH @wenyunchao 温云超,以前关注过,他发推说希望神州9号3名宇航员都回不来!我就回他:你妹的,至少3个家庭啊!然后直接拉黑他!

温暖透明 @leftry 2014-01-30 14:32:56 UTC
"@leo3194: 233RT @doctor8888: 何清涟和北风大年夜在推上唱相声…"233

北风(温云超, Yunchao Wen) @wenyunchao 2014-01-30 14:34:30 UTC
建议围观,比春晚有意思多了,丽丽同学请赶紧把时间线整理出来。RT @leftry: "@leo3194: 233RT @doctor8888: 何清涟和北风大年夜在推上唱相声…"233

jason bryant @826020017 2014-01-30 14:36:45 UTC
@wenyunchao @leftry @leo3194 @doctor8888 同意,你俩这一唱一和的、像二人转啊!

wailon @doctor8888 2014-01-30 14:38:17 UTC
@wenyunchao 辛苦了哈哈…

浠楞柱 @tianyea 2014-01-30 14:39:00 UTC
濮RT"@leo3194: 233RT @doctor8888: 何清涟和北风大年夜在推上唱相声…"

wailon @doctor8888 2014-01-30 14:40:12 UTC
丽丽在考虑自己要站哪边呢。"@wenyunchao: 建议围观,比春晚有意思多了,丽丽同学请赶紧把时间线整理出来。RT @leftry: "@leo3194: 233RT @doctor8888: 何清涟和北风大年夜在推上唱相声…"233"

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-30 14:51:33 UTC
你有所不知,这叫公开取证。免得我这边法律文书准备好了,诉讼成立,传票送达,然后他又不认帐,说"我又不是针对你"。还没消停的那场延续了几天 的口舌之 争最后不就是对方说,"我说的又不是你"。RT @xuxinotaku CC @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:35:07 UTC
你真不知道的事情多呢,你骗着美国纳税人的钱写垃圾文章,却自吹是"工作"。:) >@HeQinglian 这事我还真不知道。因为我来美国后,一直工作。 @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH @wenyunchao

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:38:25 UTC
何清纯的住址也公布一下吧。>@HeQinglian 还请告诉我你的通讯住址。免劳我去打听。 @wenyunchao @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:41:00 UTC
何清纯的无知放屁信口开河又升级了,居然胡扯美国法律里有"语言暴力"来骗人。所谓"语言暴力"本身就是奴才共匪为了禁绝言论发明的伪概念 >@HeQinglian 我按照美国法律中有关语言暴力原则追问你,光明正大。 @wenyunchao @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:41:45 UTC
何清纯,我都操了你妈逼几十次了,你赶快去美国法庭告我"强奸你母亲"呀!快去呀!>@HeQinglian 我按照美国法律中有关语言暴力原则追问你,光明正大。@wenyunchao @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH @Wxz0909

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:43:36 UTC
何清纯,你对此事如果不上法庭,你就是卖妈逼混饭吃的。;) >@HeQinglian 免得我这边法律文书准备好了,诉讼成立,传票送达,然后他又不认帐, @xuxinotaku @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-30 14:56:54 UTC
明白了,看来这位温云超先生经常向别人发出直接或者间接的死亡诅咒(在美国不少州法里,这等于死亡威胁)。RT @teddy5253 @Wxz0909 @ZhMinYH @wenyunchao

野罂粟 @WilderMohn 2014-01-30 15:00:49 UTC
@wenyunchao 如果有能力的话,不妨把自己放置在旁观者的位置上审视一下你那推。国宝公安那水平的人对妇幼老少以暴力相向是野蛮,一位新媒体人的语言暴力是 什么呢?语言 暴力跟新媒体人和民主人士的身份匹配吗?男人要想有面子,得做出令人佩服的事@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

He Qinglian @HeQinglian 2014-01-30 15:06:46 UTC
温那个推的逻辑关系是:王雪臻在餐馆打工辛苦,全世界都欠她的;因此,只要温认为谁抹黑了王雪臻,那人就该死。这里面隐含三个问 题:职业歧视(歧视打餐馆 工),逻辑错误,因为我不是造成王在餐馆打工的责任人;死亡威胁。RT @WilderMohn @wenyunchao @ZhMinYH

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:45:39 UTC
何清纯又放屁了,拿出这些州的法律来看呀。:) >@HeQinglian 直接或者间接的死亡诅咒(在美国不少州法里,这等于死亡威胁) @teddy5253 @Wxz0909 @ZhMinYH @wenyunchao

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:47:17 UTC
>@HeQinglian 温那个推的逻辑关系是:王雪臻在餐馆打工辛苦,全世界都欠她的;因此,只要温认为谁抹黑了王雪臻,那人就该死。这里面隐含三个问题:职业歧视(歧视打餐馆 工),逻辑错误,因为我不是造成王在餐馆打工的责任人;死亡威胁。 @wenyunchao

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 16:47:24 UTC
看这段奇文可以知道何清纯的文章都是些什么垃圾推理。:) @HeQinglian @wenyunchao

Wayne @Waynexg 2014-01-30 15:07:47 UTC
@HeQinglian @teddy5253 @Wxz0909 @ZhMinYH @wenyunchao 順藤摸瓜。為甚麼順著這雲藤雪藤我總是摸到陳光誠?

野罂粟 @WilderMohn 2014-01-30 15:10:17 UTC
@wenyunchao 以前还挺佩服你的。如今你用所为证明你的文明度跟国保、公安相差不远。太悲哀了!@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

追皮狸 @zhuipili 2014-01-30 15:13:29 UTC
@gaodongmei 看无耻之徒吧

野罂粟 @WilderMohn 2014-01-30 15:23:59 UTC
@wenyunchao 你那美人妹子写的推文文明吗?你挺你妹子,说明了你有什么样的正义感,也展现出你的文明度。@HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

王默 @wswm721215 2014-01-30 15:26:45 UTC
@WilderMohn @wenyunchao @HeQinglian @ZhMinYH 国保、公安控制你,然后送派出所或者久敬庄,如果你配合整个过程都能客客气气、非暴力,文明真他妈的文明。

北风(温云超, Yunchao Wen) @wenyunchao 2014-01-30 15:31:01 UTC
@HeQinglian 何学者,您还得回家补习逻辑。 #二人转

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 15:39:13 UTC
大家快看除夕夜北风战清纯的大戏~ https://twitter.com/search?q=wenyunchao%20heqinglian&src=typd&f=realtime @WilderMohn @wenyunchao @HeQinglian @ZhMinYH

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 15:42:20 UTC
要干活的事情就想到我了,这个温云松在投资银行赚大钱的时候就从来不想到我,也不拿正眼看一下写文章赚钱的何清纯 @heqinglian >@doctor8888 丽丽在考虑自己要站哪边呢。"@wenyunchao: 丽丽同学请赶紧把时间线整理出来。 @leftry @leo3194

lihlii @lihlii 2014-01-30 15:50:22 UTC
注意这个 @xiexue7 是共匪网狗特务 @mynte @xiexueXX 几十个系列马甲之一。 @HeQinglian @wenyunchao @WilderMohn @ZhMinYH

何清纯 @heqinglian 说:就让共产党呆在台上好了 http://lihlii.blogspot.com/2014/01/heqinglian.html
何清纯 @heqinglian 说:我美不美,我自己知道  http://lihlii.blogspot.com/2014/01/heqinglian_28.html
何清纯 @heqinglian 自晒无品 凭色相捞世界实在有点迟暮了 http://lihlii.blogspot.com/2014/01/heqinglian_29.html
何清纯 @heqinglian 一个连自己长相美丑都丧失了感觉且自我膨胀的极右死懦伯 http://lihlii.blogspot.com/2014/01/heqinglian_30.html

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2014年1月30日星期四

《纽约时报》 前对冲基金交易员 SAM POLK:华尔街的贪欲恰如毒瘾

说贪欲是在推卸制度政策责任。极右派的经济学导致的后果。看这些文章的修辞激烈,觉得美国的左右派对立在贫富差距逐步扩大的过程中日趋加剧。
  1. 山姆·波尔克:华尔街的贪欲恰如毒瘾
  2. 保罗·克鲁格曼:华尔街财阀有钱却没有自信
  3. 保罗·克鲁格曼:应对贫富分化符合普遍民意
  4. 保罗·克鲁格曼:别替美国贫富分化遮丑
  5. 保罗·克鲁格曼:共和党是穷人的公敌
  6. 戈登·布朗:世界正被银行家推向下一场金融危机
http://cn.nytimes.com/opinion/20140130/c30polk/
Opinion
For the Love of Money
By SAM POLK January 30, 2014
观点

山姆·波尔克:华尔街的贪欲恰如毒瘾

2014年01月30日

IN my last year on Wall Street my bonus was $3.6 million — and I was angry because it wasn't big enough. I was 30 years old, had no children to raise, no debts to pay, no philanthropic goal in mind. I wanted more money for exactly the same reason an alcoholic needs another drink: I was addicted.

在华尔街的最后一年,我的奖金是360万美元(约合2100万元人民币)——我相当气愤,因为这实在不够多。我30岁,没有孩子要抚养,没有债要 还,没想过做慈善。我想要更多的钱,这就和一个酒鬼还想再来一杯的理由如出一辙,那就是我上瘾了。

Eight years earlier, I'd walked onto the trading floor at Credit Suisse First Boston to begin my summer internship. I already knew I wanted to be rich, but when I started out I had a different idea about what wealth meant. I'd come to Wall Street after reading in the book "Liar's Poker" how Michael Lewis earned a $225,000 bonus after just two years of work on a trading floor. That seemed like a fortune. Every January and February, I think about that time, because these are the months when bonuses are decided and distributed, when fortunes are made.

早在八年前,我就步入瑞士信贷第一波士顿银行(Credit Suisse First Boston,简称CSFB),开始了我的暑期实习生涯。我知道自己想要变得富有,然而,当我开始为此努力时,我对财富的意义有了不一样的理解。我是在读 了《说谎者的扑克牌》(Liar's Poker)这本书后来到华尔街的,书中描述了迈克尔·刘易斯(Michael Lewis)是如何仅仅凭借交易大厅里的两年打拼,就挣得了22.5万美元的奖金。这看起来是一大笔钱。每年的1月和2月,我都会想起那段日子,因为这是 决定和分发奖金的日子,是挣大钱的日子。

I'd learned about the importance of being rich from my dad. He was a modern-day Willy Loman, a salesman with huge dreams that never seemed to materialize. "Imagine what life will be like," he'd say, "when I make a million dollars." While he dreamed of selling a screenplay, in reality he sold kitchen cabinets. And not that well. We sometimes lived paycheck to paycheck off my mom's nurse-practitioner salary.

我从父亲那里了解到了成为富人的重要性。他是当代的威利·罗曼(Willy Loman),是一名有着远大梦想却似乎从未将其变为现实的销售员。他说,"想想当我赚到100万美元时,生活会是什么样儿。"他梦想着能卖电影剧本,可 是现实里,他在卖橱柜。而且生意不怎么样。我们不时要靠母亲做执业护理师的收入勉强度日。

Dad believed money would solve all his problems. At 22, so did I. When I walked onto that trading floor for the first time and saw the glowing flat-screen TVs, high-tech computer monitors and phone turrets with enough dials, knobs and buttons to make it seem like the cockpit of a fighter plane, I knew exactly what I wanted to do with the rest of my life. It looked as if the traders were playing a video game inside a spaceship; if you won this video game, you became what I most wanted to be — rich.

父亲相信,钱能解决他所有的问题。22岁时,我也这么认为了。当我第一次走进交易大厅,看着闪闪发亮的平板电视、高科技的电脑显示器和布满拨号键 和各式按钮、看上去就像战斗机驾驶舱的那种电话时,我就知道,我这辈子究竟想要做什么了。那场景就好像交易员正在太空船里玩电子游戏;如果你能赢 得这场游戏,你就会变成我最渴望变成的人——富人。

IT was a miracle I'd made it to Wall Street at all. While I was competitive and ambitious — a wrestler at Columbia University — I was also a daily drinker and pot smoker and a regular user of cocaine, Ritalin and ecstasy. I had a propensity for self-destruction that had resulted in my getting suspended from Columbia for burglary, arrested twice and fired from an Internet company for fistfighting. I learned about rage from my dad, too. I can still see his red, contorted face as he charged toward me. I'd lied my way into the C.S.F.B. internship by omitting my transgressions from my résumé and was determined not to blow what seemed a final chance. The only thing as important to me as that internship was my girlfriend, a starter on the Columbia volleyball team. But even though I was in love with her, when I got drunk I'd sometimes end up with other women.

我能进入华尔街完全就是个奇迹。当我还是哥伦比亚大学(Columbia University)的摔跤运动员时,就争强好胜、野心勃勃,我每天都喝酒、吸大麻,还定期吸食可卡因、利他林和摇头丸。我有自毁倾向,这导致了我因为 盗窃被哥伦比亚大学暂停了学业,我还因为和人打架被捕过两次,因为同样理由被一家互联网公司给开除过。我从父亲那里了解了愤怒。我依然能回想起他 冲向我时,那张通红、扭曲的脸。我在简历里抹去了自己的过失,靠谎言获得了CSFB的实习职位,我下定决心,不能错失这个似乎是我最后一次机会的 机会。唯一一件和实习职位同等重要的大事是我的女友,她是哥伦比亚大学排球队的新人。不过,即使在和她恋爱时,假如喝醉了,有时我也会和别的女人 搞在一起。

Three weeks into my internship she wisely dumped me. I don't like who you've become, she said. I couldn't blame her, but I was so devastated that I couldn't get out of bed. In desperation, I called a counselor whom I had reluctantly seen a few times before and asked for help.

我实习开始三周后,她明智地甩了我。她说,我不喜欢你变成这个样子。我无法埋怨她,可是我悲痛欲绝,都没法起床了。在绝望之中,我给一位之前曾不 情愿地见过数面的辅导员打了电话,向她求助。

She helped me see that I was using alcohol and drugs to blunt the powerlessness I felt as a kid and suggested I give them up. That began some of the hardest months of my life. Without the alcohol and drugs in my system, I felt like my chest had been cracked open, exposing my heart to air. The counselor said that my abuse of drugs and alcohol was a symptom of an underlying problem — a "spiritual malady," she called it. C.S.F.B. didn't offer me a full-time job, and I returned, distraught, to Columbia for senior year.

她使我明白了,我在利用酒精和毒品来削弱我孩提时的无力感,她建议我放弃这些东西。我由此开始了一生中最难熬的一段日子。由于生活里没了酒精和毒 品,我感觉就像自己的胸膛被剖开了,心都被暴露在外。辅导员说,我滥用毒品和酒精,这只是一个深层问题的表象——她说这是一种"精神痼疾"。 CSFB没给我提供全职工作,我心烦意乱地回到了哥伦比亚大学,继续最后一年的学业。

After graduation, I got a job at Bank of America, by the grace of a managing director willing to take a chance on a kid who had called him every day for three weeks. With a year of sobriety under my belt, I was sharp, cleareyed and hard-working. At the end of my first year I was thrilled to receive a $40,000 bonus. For the first time in my life, I didn't have to check my balance before I withdrew money. But a week later, a trader who was only four years my senior got hired away by C.S.F.B. for $900,000. After my initial envious shock — his haul was 22 times the size of my bonus — I grew excited at how much money was available.

毕业后,我给美国银行(Bank of America)的一名执行董事连续不断地连打了三周的电话,蒙他开恩,给了我这个毛头小子一个机会,我在那里谋得了一份工作。经过一年的冷静沉淀,我变 得头脑清晰、目光敏锐、工作卖力。第一年工作结束时,我激动地收到了4万美元的奖金。生平第一次,我不需要在取钱之前查自己的余额。不过一周后, 一名只比我入行早四年的交易员被CSFB挖走时,拿到了90万美元。这笔钱相当于我奖金的22倍,一开始,我是既妒忌又惊讶,然而一想到这个行业 能挣这么多的钱,我就变得兴奋不已。

Over the next few years I worked like a maniac and began to move up the Wall Street ladder. I became a bond and credit default swap trader, one of the more lucrative roles in the business. Just four years after I started at Bank of America, Citibank offered me a "1.75 by 2" which means $1.75 million per year for two years, and I used it to get a promotion. I started dating a pretty blonde and rented a loft apartment on Bond Street for $6,000 a month.

接下来的几年里,我像疯子一样地工作,开始在华尔街的梯队里青云直上。我成了一名债券和信用违约掉期交易员,这是业内最挣钱的职位之一。我在美国 银行工作了仅仅四年后,花旗银行(Citibank)给我提供了"1.75X2"的职位,意思是我将在两年里获得每年175万美元的酬劳,我靠着 这个升了职。我开始和一名美丽的金发美女约会,在邦德街租了一间带阁楼的公寓,月租金为6000美元。

I felt so important. At 25, I could go to any restaurant in Manhattan — Per Se, Le Bernardin — just by picking up the phone and calling one of my brokers, who ingratiate themselves to traders by entertaining with unlimited expense accounts. I could be second row at the Knicks-Lakers game just by hinting to a broker I might be interested in going. The satisfaction wasn't just about the money. It was about the power. Because of how smart and successful I was, it was someone else's job to make me happy.

我感觉自己太了不起了。在25岁的年纪,我只要抓起电话,跟我的经纪人之一打个招呼,就可以去曼哈顿的任何一家餐厅——比如Per Se和Le Bernardin——就餐,这些经纪人用不封顶的娱乐款项来讨好交易员。我只需向经纪人暗示一下,自己或许对尼克斯队(Knicks)对湖人队 (Lakers)的比赛感兴趣,就能坐在现场的第二排。其中的满足感不仅和钱有关,还和权力有关。因为我如此聪明、如此成功,所以,理应由别人来 讨我开心。

Still, I was nagged by envy. On a trading desk everyone sits together, from interns to managing directors. When the guy next to you makes $10 million, $1 million or $2 million doesn't look so sweet. Nonetheless, I was thrilled with my progress.

然而,我依然受到妒忌的困扰。在交易台前,从实习生到执行董事的所有人都坐在一起。当你旁边的人挣了1000万美元,100万或者200万美元看 起来就不那么诱人了。尽管如此,我还是对自己的进步感到兴奋。

My counselor didn't share my elation. She said I might be using money the same way I'd used drugs and alcohol — to make myself feel powerful — and that maybe it would benefit me to stop focusing on accumulating more and instead focus on healing my inner wound. "Inner wound"? I thought that was going a little far and went to work for a hedge fund.

我的辅导员没有分享我的喜悦。她说,我也许在用金钱使自己感到强大,就像我用毒品和酒精这么做一样,还说也许精力集中在医治我的内伤,而不是积攒 更多的钱上,也许会对我有益。"内伤"?我想这个说法也许有点扯远了,于是我到一家对冲基金公司上班去了。

Now, working elbow to elbow with billionaires, I was a giant fireball of greed. I'd think about how my colleagues could buy Micronesia if they wanted to, or become mayor of New York City. They didn't just have money; they had power — power beyond getting a table at Le Bernardin. Senators came to their offices. They were royalty.

现在,我和亿万富翁一起并肩共事,我成了一个精力充沛、贪婪无比的家伙。我会琢磨,假使我的同事愿意的话,他们会如何买下密克罗尼西亚,或者成为 纽约市的市长。他们不仅是有钱而已;他们还有权——那是超出在Le Bernardin订到一张桌子的权力。参议员们会到这些富翁的办公室去。他们是皇族。

I wanted a billion dollars. It's staggering to think that in the course of five years, I'd gone from being thrilled at my first bonus — $40,000 — to being disappointed when, my second year at the hedge fund, I was paid "only" $1.5 million.

我想挣到10亿美元。仅仅过了五年我就会这么想,这是让人惊讶的。从拿到第一笔4万美元奖金时的兴奋,已经到了我在对冲基金工作第二年时"仅仅" 拿到150万美元时的失望了。

But in the end, it was actually my absurdly wealthy bosses who helped me see the limitations of unlimited wealth. I was in a meeting with one of them, and a few other traders, and they were talking about the new hedge-fund regulations. Most everyone on Wall Street thought they were a bad idea. "But isn't it better for the system as a whole?" I asked. The room went quiet, and my boss shot me a withering look. I remember his saying, "I don't have the brain capacity to think about the system as a whole. All I'm concerned with is how this affects our company."

不过最终,其实是我那些富得离谱的老板们,帮我看到了无尽财富的局限。我当时正在和他们中的一人及其他几名交易员开会,他们在谈论新的对冲基金规 定。几乎华尔街的每个人都认为这是一个糟糕的主意。我问道,"可是总的来说,它对这个系统更有好处,不是吗?"整个房间都安静下来,我的老板严厉 地白了我一眼。我记得他说,"我的脑力不足以让我从整体层面思考这个系统。我关心的只是,新规则会怎样影响我们的公司。"

I felt as if I'd been punched in the gut. He was afraid of losing money, despite all that he had.

我的感觉就像是肚子上挨了一拳。他已经那么有钱,还在担心自己损失钱财。

From that moment on, I started to see Wall Street with new eyes. I noticed the vitriol that traders directed at the government for limiting bonuses after the crash. I heard the fury in their voices at the mention of higher taxes. These traders despised anything or anyone that threatened their bonuses. Ever see what a drug addict is like when he's used up his junk? He'll do anything — walk 20 miles in the snow, rob a grandma — to get a fix. Wall Street was like that. In the months before bonuses were handed out, the trading floor started to feel like a neighborhood in "The Wire" when the heroin runs out.

从那一刻起,我开始以新的眼光看待华尔街。我注意到了金融危机之后,交易员因为政府限制奖金发放,对政府进行了尖酸的批评。每当提到加税,我能从 他们的语调里听出愤懑之情。这些交易员对威胁他们奖金的任何事或任何人都不假辞色。你有没有见过吸毒者毒品用尽时的样子?他会用尽一切手段——比 如冒雪走上20英里,抢老奶奶的钱——就为了能来上一针。华尔街就和吸毒者的情况一样。在发放奖金前的几个月里,交易大厅开始让人感觉就像《火 线》(The Wire)里没有了海洛因的街区一样。

I'd always looked enviously at the people who earned more than I did; now, for the first time, I was embarrassed for them, and for me. I made in a single year more than my mom made her whole life. I knew that wasn't fair; that wasn't right. Yes, I was sharp, good with numbers. I had marketable talents. But in the end I didn't really do anything. I was a derivatives trader, and it occurred to me the world would hardly change at all if credit derivatives ceased to exist. Not so nurse practitioners. What had seemed normal now seemed deeply distorted.

我总是满怀妒忌地看着那些比我赚得多的人;现在,我第一次为他们、为我自己感到羞愧。我一年挣的钱比我母亲一辈子挣的钱还多。我知道这不公平;这 不对。是的,我思维敏捷、长于计算。我有市场欢迎的那种才华。然而,到了最后,我并未真正地干过任何事。我是一名衍生产品交易员,对我来说,如果 信用衍生品不复存在,这个世界几乎不会有任何变化。跟执业护理师差远了。以前觉得很平常的事情,现在看来是极为扭曲的。

I had recently finished Taylor Branch's three-volume series on the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and the civil rights movement, and the image of the Freedom Riders stepping out of their bus into an infuriated mob had seared itself into my mind. I'd told myself that if I'd been alive in the '60s, I would have been on that bus.

我最近拜读了泰勒·布兰奇(Taylor Branch)写牧师小马丁·路德·金博士(Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.)和民权运动的三卷本著作,"自由乘车者"(Freedom Riders)从大巴上下来,走进愤怒的暴民中的场景,深深地印入了我了脑海。我对自己说,如果我活在上世纪60年代,我也会在那辆车上。

But I was lying to myself. There were plenty of injustices out there — rampant poverty, swelling prison populations, a sexual-assault epidemic, an obesity crisis. Not only was I not helping to fix any problems in the world, but I was profiting from them. During the market crash in 2008, I'd made a ton of money by shorting the derivatives of risky companies. As the world crumbled, I profited. I'd seen the crash coming, but instead of trying to help the people it would hurt the most — people who didn't have a million dollars in the bank — I'd made money off it. I don't like who you've become, my girlfriend had said years earlier. She was right then, and she was still right. Only now, I didn't like who I'd become either.

但我其实是在骗自己。世上的不平事有的是——极端贫困、监狱人口膨胀、性侵事件泛滥、肥胖危机。我不仅没在帮助解决这其中的任何问题,而且还在从 中牟利。2008年市场崩盘时,通过卖空高风险公司的衍生品,我赚了一大笔钱。全世界都在破产,我却在赚钱。我眼看着危机一步步逼近,却没有帮助 可能受到最大打击的人们——那些银行账户里没有100万美元的人——我还利用危机赚钱。我女朋友几年前对我说,我不喜欢现在的你。她说对了,她一 直都是对的。只不过现在,我也不喜欢那时的我了。

Wealth addiction was described by the late sociologist and playwright Philip Slater in a 1980 book, but addiction researchers have paid the concept little attention. Like alcoholics driving drunk, wealth addiction imperils everyone. Wealth addicts are, more than anybody, specifically responsible for the ever widening rift that is tearing apart our once great country. Wealth addicts are responsible for the vast and toxic disparity between the rich and the poor and the annihilation of the middle class. Only a wealth addict would feel justified in receiving $14 million in compensation — including an $8.5 million bonus — as the McDonald's C.E.O., Don Thompson, did in 2012, while his company then published a brochure for its work force on how to survive on their low wages. Only a wealth addict would earn hundreds of millions as a hedge-fund manager, and then lobby to maintain a tax loophole that gave him a lower tax rate than his secretary.

已故的社会学家、剧作家菲利普·斯莱特(Philip Slater)在1980年的一本书中描述了对财富上瘾的症状,但是上瘾的研究者们很少关注这个概念。就像醉酒驾车的嗜酒者一样,财瘾患者对所有人都是一 种危害。与其他人相比,财瘾患者尤其应该为目前出现的裂痕负责。这种裂痕正不断扩大,让我们曾经伟大的国家陷入分裂。对于富人和穷人之间的巨大而 有害的鸿沟,以及中产阶级的毁灭,财瘾者也应该负责。只有对财富上瘾的人才会觉得1400万美元的工资合情合理——包括850万美元的奖金——这 是麦当劳的首席执行官唐·汤普森(Don Thompson)在2012年拿到的数目,当时他的公司为员工印制了一本手册,告诉他们如何靠低工资生存下去。只有对财富上瘾的对冲基金经理才会怀揣数 亿美元的收入,然后为了让一个税法漏洞继续存在而到处游说,因为这个漏洞让他需要缴纳的税率低于他的秘书。

DESPITE my realizations, it was incredibly difficult to leave. I was terrified of running out of money and of forgoing future bonuses. More than anything, I was afraid that five or 10 years down the road, I'd feel like an idiot for walking away from my one chance to be really important. What made it harder was that people thought I was crazy for thinking about leaving. In 2010, in a final paroxysm of my withering addiction, I demanded $8 million instead of $3.6 million. My bosses said they'd raise my bonus if I agreed to stay several more years. Instead, I walked away.

尽管经历了彻悟,但离开这一切仍非易事。一想到钱越花越少,还有要放弃未来的奖金,我就感到害怕。我最害怕的是,五到10年之后,我会因为放弃了 一个成为真正的重要人物的机会而懊悔不已。人们都觉得离开的想法是发疯,这愈发让我难以下定决心。2010年,我已经逐渐减轻的财瘾最后发作了一 次,我要求获得800万美元的奖金,而不是360万美元。我的老板说,如果我再留下来工作几年,他们会提高我的奖金。但我还是离开了。

The first year was really hard. I went through what I can only describe as withdrawal — waking up at nights panicked about running out of money, scouring the headlines to see which of my old co-workers had gotten promoted. Over time it got easier — I started to realize that I had enough money, and if I needed to make more, I could. But my wealth addiction still hasn't gone completely away. Sometimes I still buy lottery tickets.

第一年真的很难。我只能用"戒断反应"来形容我的经历——我会半夜惊醒,对缺钱感到恐慌;为了看看哪个前同事升职了,我到处搜索新闻。但慢慢地, 情况开始好转——我开始意识到,我的钱已经够用了,如果我需要赚更多钱,我也有这个能力。但是我的财瘾并没有完全消失。有时我还是会买彩票。

In the three years since I left, I've married, spoken in jails and juvenile detention centers about getting sober, taught a writing class to girls in the foster system, and started a nonprofit called Groceryships to help poor families struggling with obesity and food addiction. I am much happier. I feel as if I'm making a real contribution. And as time passes, the distortion lessens. I see Wall Street's mantra — "We're smarter and work harder than everyone else, so we deserve all this money" — for what it is: the rationalization of addicts. From a distance I can see what I couldn't see then — that Wall Street is a toxic culture that encourages the grandiosity of people who are desperately trying to feel powerful.


在我辞职后的三年里,我结了婚,在监狱和青少年拘留中心进行过戒酒戒毒的演讲,给领养系统里的女孩子们开设了写作课,启动了一个叫做 Groceryships的非营利项目,帮助为肥胖症和贪食症所折磨的穷人家庭。我比以前快乐多了。我感到自己好像真正做出了贡献。随着时间的流 逝,扭曲感减轻了。我看到了华尔街念的那本经——我们比其他人聪明、勤奋,所以这些钱是我们应得的——背后的真相:对上瘾者的合理化。距离让我明 白了我当时体会不到的东西——华尔街是一种有毒的文化,助长了那些不顾一切地想要感到强大的人的自大感。

I was lucky. My experience with drugs and alcohol allowed me to recognize my pursuit of wealth as an addiction. The years of work I did with my counselor helped me heal the parts of myself that felt damaged and inadequate, so that I had enough of a core sense of self to walk away.

我是幸运的。吸毒和酗酒的经验让我意识到,自己对财富的追求是一种上瘾。我和咨询师几年来的共同努力,帮助治愈了总是感到受伤和力不从心的那部分 自我,所以才有了辞职所需的足够的核心自我意识。

Dozens of different types of 12-step support groups — including Clutterers Anonymous and On-Line Gamers Anonymous — exist to help addicts of various types, yet there is no Wealth Addicts Anonymous. Why not? Because our culture supports and even lauds the addiction. Look at the magazine covers in any newsstand, plastered with the faces of celebrities and C.E.O.'s; the superrich are our cultural gods. I hope we all confront our part in enabling wealth addicts to exert so much influence over our country.

有几十种不同类型的12步互助小组——包括匿名戒除杂乱协会(Clutterers Anonymous)和匿名戒除网瘾协会(On-Line Gamers Anonymous)——正在帮助各种类型的成瘾者,然而目前仍然没有匿名财富成瘾者协会。为什么呢?因为我们的文化鼓励、甚至是赞赏这种瘾。看看任何一 个报摊上的杂志封面吧,都是名人和CEO们的醒目头像,超级富豪在我们的文化中是神一般的存在。我希望,我们都能正视这个事实:财瘾之所以能对我 们国家产生如此大影响,我们每个人都有责任。

I generally think that if one is rich and believes they have "enough," they are not a wealth addict. On Wall Street, in my experience, that sense of "enough" is rare. The money guy doing a job he complains about for yet another year so he can add $2 million to his $20 million bank account seems like an addict.

总的来说,我认为,如果一个人很富有,而且认为自己拥有的钱已经"足够了",此人就不是财瘾患者。在华尔街,根据我的经验,这种"够了"的感觉很 少见。一个人整天抱怨自己的工作,但是为了给2000万美元的银行账户中再添200万,他又工作了一年,这就叫上瘾。

I recently got an email from a hedge-fund trader who said that though he was making millions every year, he felt trapped and empty, but couldn't summon the courage to leave. I believe there are others out there. Maybe we can form a group and confront our addiction together. And if you identify with what I've written, but are reticent to leave, then take a small step in the right direction. Let's create a fund, where everyone agrees to put, say, 25 percent of their annual bonuses into it, and we'll use that to help some of the people who actually need the money that we've been so rabidly chasing. Together, maybe we can make a real contribution to the world.

我最近收到了一名对冲基金交易员的邮件。他说,尽管每年赚几百万美元,他还是感到压抑和空虚,但却无法鼓足勇气离职。我相信,还有许多这样的人。 也许我们可以组成一个团体,共同面对我们的瘾。如果你认同我的文章,但又不愿辞职,那么,至少往正确的方向上迈出一小步吧。让我们建立一家基金, 人人都把年终奖的25%之类的放进去,我们就可以利用这笔钱,帮助一些真正需要我们狂热追逐的这些钱的人们。团结起来,我们说不定可以为世界做点 真正的贡献。

Sam Polk is a former hedge-fund trader and the founder of the nonprofit Groceryships.

Copyright © 2013 The New York Times Company. All rights reserved.
山姆·波尔克(Sam Polk)是前对冲基金交易员,也是非营利组织Groceryships的创始人。
翻译:张薇、王湛

http://cn.nytimes.com/opinion/20140128/c28krugman/
Op-Ed Columnist
Paranoia of the Plutocrats
By PAUL KRUGMAN January 28, 2014
专栏作者

保罗·克鲁格曼:华尔街财阀有钱却没有 自信

2014年01月28日

Rising inequality has obvious economic costs: stagnant wages despite rising productivity, rising debt that makes us more vulnerable to financial crisis. It also has big social and human costs. There is, for example, strong evidence that high inequality leads to worse health and higher mortality.

日益严重的不平等存在明显的经济代价:尽管生产率在提高,工资水平却停滞不前,而不断增加的债务让我们更难抵御金融危机的冲击。此外它还有很高的 社会成本和民生代价。比如,强有力的证据表明,严重的不平等导致了更严重的健康问题和更高的死亡率。

But there's more. Extreme inequality, it turns out, creates a class of people who are alarmingly detached from reality — and simultaneously gives these people great power.

但是不止如此。事实证明,极端不平等不仅造就了一个跟现实之间存在巨大脱节的阶级,同时还赋予了这些人巨大的权力。

The example many are buzzing about right now is the billionaire investor Tom Perkins, a founding member of the venture capital firm Kleiner Perkins Caufield & Byers. In a letter to the editor of The Wall Street Journal, Mr. Perkins lamented public criticism of the "one percent" — and compared such criticism to Nazi attacks on the Jews, suggesting that we are on the road to another Kristallnacht.

眼下的一个例子引起了很多人的议论,他就是身家亿万的投资人汤姆·珀金斯(Tom Perkins),风险投资公司KPCB凯鹏华盈(Kleiner Perkins Caufield & Byers)的创始成员之一。在写给《华尔街日报》(Wall Street Journal)编辑的一封信中,帕金斯哀叹"百分之一"的人所遭受的公众批判——并把这些批判跟纳粹对犹太人的攻击相提并论,暗示我们正走在通往又一个 "水晶之夜"(Kristallnacht)的路上。

You may say that this is just one crazy guy and wonder why The Journal would publish such a thing. But Mr. Perkins isn't that much of an outlier. He isn't even the first finance titan to compare advocates of progressive taxation to Nazis. Back in 2010 Stephen Schwarzman, the chairman and chief executive of the Blackstone Group, declared that proposals to eliminate tax loopholes for hedge fund and private-equity managers were "like when Hitler invaded Poland in 1939."

你可能会说,只有他才这么疯吧,不知道为什么《华尔街日报》会刊登这样的东西。但帕金斯并不是唯一的特例。他甚至不是第一个把累进税支持者比喻为 纳粹的金融巨头。早在2010年,黑石集团(Blackstone Group)董事长兼首席执行官斯蒂芬·施瓦茨曼(Stephen Schwarzman)就声称,提议堵住对冲和私募基金经理的税收漏洞,就如同"希特勒1939年入侵波兰"。

And there are a number of other plutocrats who manage to keep Hitler out of their remarks but who nonetheless hold, and loudly express, political and economic views that combine paranoia and megalomania in equal measure.

还有一些富豪忍住了不谈希特勒,但仍然抱有同样偏执多疑和狂妄自大的政治和经济观点,并且大言不惭地宣扬它们。

I know that sounds strong. But look at all the speeches and opinion pieces by Wall Streeters accusing President Obama — who has never done anything more than say the obvious, that some bankers behaved badly — of demonizing and persecuting the rich. And look at how many of those making these accusations also made the ludicrously self-centered claim that their hurt feelings (as opposed to things like household debt and premature fiscal austerity) were the main thing holding the economy back.

我知道这么说不太温和。但看看华尔街指责奥巴马总统妖魔化和迫害富人的各种发言和文章吧。奥巴马只不过说了一些明摆着的事实,即有些银行家举止不 当。再看看这些指责他的人中,有多少提出过自我中心得离谱的说法,说他们受到的感情伤害才是阻碍经济发展的主要原因,而不是家庭债务和过早实施财 政紧缩之类的事情。

Now, just to be clear, the very rich, and those on Wall Street in particular, are in fact doing worse under Mr. Obama than they would have if Mitt Romney had won in 2012. Between the partial rollback of the Bush tax cuts and the tax hike that partly pays for health reform, tax rates on the 1 percent have gone more or less back to pre-Reagan levels. Also, financial reformers have won some surprising victories over the past year, and this is bad news for wheeler-dealers whose wealth comes largely from exploiting weak regulation. So you can make the case that the 1 percent have lost some important policy battles.

那么,要说清楚的一点是,如果米特·罗姆尼(Mitt Romney)在2012年获胜,极富阶层,尤其是华尔街那些人,实际上会比现在在奥巴马任内的获利多。随着布什减税政策的部分取消,以及为支付医疗改革 而进行的大幅加税,1%阶层的税率已或多或少回到了前里根时代的水平。同时,在过去一年里,金融改革派也取得了一些令人大为意外的胜利。对那些基 本上靠监管薄弱聚敛财富的投机钻营者而言,这可是个坏消息。因此,可以证明,那1%的人输掉了一些重要的政策之战。

But every group finds itself facing criticism, and ends up on the losing side of policy disputes, somewhere along the way; that's democracy. The question is what happens next. Normal people take it in stride; even if they're angry and bitter over political setbacks, they don't cry persecution, compare their critics to Nazis and insist that the world revolves around their hurt feelings. But the rich are different from you and me.

但任何群体都会有面对批判的时候,在政策冲突过程中发现自己站在了失败的一方;这就是民主。问题是,接下来会怎样。普通人会从容应对。即使政治上 的挫折让他们愤怒、苦闷,他们也不会大呼自己受到了迫害,把批评他们的人比作纳粹,坚持认为世界是围绕他们的情感伤害转的。但富人不同于你我。

And yes, that's partly because they have more money, and the power that goes with it. They can and all too often do surround themselves with courtiers who tell them what they want to hear and never, ever, tell them they're being foolish. They're accustomed to being treated with deference, not just by the people they hire but by politicians who want their campaign contributions. And so they are shocked to discover that money can't buy everything, can't insulate them from all adversity.

的确,这部分是因为他们有更多财富,随之也就有了更多权力。他们有吸引一群阿谀奉承的人围在自己身边的能力,很多时候的确就是这样。这些人会说他 们想听的话,但从不告诉他们,他们有多愚蠢。他们习惯了被尊重,不仅是来自自己雇佣的员工的尊重,还有那些想让他们捐助自己竞选的政客的尊重。因 此,当发现钱无法买到一切,无法让自己远离逆境时,他们很是震惊。

I also suspect that today's Masters of the Universe are insecure about the nature of their success. We're not talking captains of industry here, men who make stuff. We are, instead, talking about wheeler-dealers, men who push money around and get rich by skimming some off the top as it sloshes by. They may boast that they are job creators, the people who make the economy work, but are they really adding value? Many of us doubt it — and so, I suspect, do some of the wealthy themselves, a form of self-doubt that causes them to lash out even more furiously at their critics.

我还怀疑,如今的金融界巨头对自己的成功的本质缺乏自信。我们在这里说的不是制造产品的行业大佬。相反,我们说的是那些投机钻营者,他们把钱倒来 倒去,靠着每次倒手时从中揩一点油水致富。他们或许会吹嘘说自己创造了就业,让经济运转了起来,但他们真的在创造价值吗?我们很多人对此表示怀疑 ——因此,我怀疑,一些富人自己也怀疑,正是他们自己的那种自我怀疑导致他们更猛烈的抨击批评者。

Anyway, we've been here before. It's impossible to read screeds like those of Mr. Perkins or Mr. Schwarzman without thinking of F.D.R.'s famous 1936 Madison Square Garden speech, in which he spoke of the hatred he faced from the forces of "organized money," and declared, "I welcome their hatred."

我们以前就经历过这种情况。当我们读到类似于帕金斯或施瓦茨曼的不满言论时,很容易想起FDR(富兰克林·罗斯福)1936年在麦迪逊广场花园的 演讲,他当时提到了"有组织的财阀"势力的仇恨,并声称,"我欢迎他们的仇恨。"

President Obama has not, unfortunately, done nearly as much as F.D.R. to earn the hatred of the undeserving rich. But he has done more than many progressives give him credit for — and like F.D.R., both he and progressives in general should welcome that hatred, because it's a sign that they're doing something right.

不过,不幸的是,与FDR相比,奥巴马总统没做那么多事,无法得到那些不知天高地厚的富人的仇恨。但除了进步派给予肯定的工作,奥巴马也做了其他 事——而且就像FDR一样,他和进步派总体说来确实应该欢迎那种仇恨,因为这意味着他们做了正确的事。

Copyright © 2013 The New York Times Company. All rights reserved.
翻译:王湛、土土

http://cn.nytimes.com/opinion/20140125/c25krugman/
Op-Ed Columnist
The Populist Imperative
By PAUL KRUGMAN January 25, 2014
专栏作者

保罗·克鲁格曼:应对贫富分化符合普遍 民意

2014年01月25日

"The outstanding faults of the economic society in which we live are its failure to provide for full employment and its arbitrary and inequitable distribution of wealth and incomes."

"我们生存其中的经济社会,其显著缺点,乃在不能提供充分就业,以及财富与所得之分配有欠公平合理。"

John Maynard Keynes wrote that in 1936, but it applies to our own time, too. And, in a better world, our leaders would be doing all they could to address both faults.

这段话是约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯(John Maynard Keynes)1936年写下的,不过也适用于我们今天所处的时代。在更理想的世界里,我们的领导人应当竭尽所能地克服这两大缺点。

Unfortunately, the world we actually live in falls far short of that ideal. In fact, we should count ourselves lucky when leaders confront even one of our two great economic failures. If, as has been widely reported, President Obama devotes much of his State of the Union address to inequality, everyone should be cheering him on.

不幸的是,我们实际生活的世界远没有那么理想。现实是,领导人哪怕能直面这两大经济失败中的任一项,我们都该觉得是走了大运。如果应验了广为报道 的说法,奥巴马总统将把国情咨文演讲的重点放在贫富不均问题上,那么每个人都应为他欢呼。

They won't, of course. Instead, he will face two kinds of sniping. The usual suspects on the right will, as always when questions of income distribution comes up, shriek "Class warfare!" But there will also be seemingly more sober voices arguing that he has picked the wrong target, that jobs, not inequality, should be at the top of his agenda.

当然了,现实不会如此,而是总统将遭到两面夹击。每当收入分配的问题浮现的时候,那些司空见惯的右翼"嫌犯"会一如既往地高呼,"阶级斗争!"然 而,也会有看似更为冷静的声音认为,总统打错了靶子:他的头号任务,应当是就业,而非贫富不均。

Here's why they're wrong.

他们错了。

First of all, jobs and inequality are closely linked if not identical issues. There's a pretty good although not ironclad case that soaring inequality helped set the stage for our economic crisis, and that the highly unequal distribution of income since the crisis has perpetuated the slump, especially by making it hard for families in debt to work their way out.

首先,就业与贫富不均就算不是一回事,也存在紧密关联。有充分的理由相信——即使并非无可辩驳——急剧扩大的贫富不均问题为经济危机创造了条件, 而且,危机后极为不公的收入分配则延长了衰退之势,其中尤为突出的方式是让欠债家庭难以走出泥淖。

Moreover, there's an even stronger case to be made that high unemployment — by destroying workers' bargaining power — has become a major source of rising inequality and stagnating incomes even for those lucky enough to have jobs.

此外,有更为充分的理由认为,通过破坏劳动者的议价能力,高失业率已成为经济不平等持续扩大及收入停滞不前的一大主因,就是对有工作的幸运儿而 言,也是如此。

Beyond that, as a political matter, inequality and macroeconomic policy are already inseparably linked. It has been obvious for a long time that the deficit obsession that has exerted such a destructive effect on policy these past few years isn't really driven by worries about the federal debt. It is, instead, mainly an effort to use debt fears to scare and bully the nation into slashing social programs — especially programs that help the poor. For example, two-thirds of the spending cuts proposed last year by Representative Paul Ryan, the chairman of the House Budget Committee, would have come at the expense of lower-income families.

还有,政治上,贫富不均与宏观经济政策已密不可分。很早以前就显露出,对赤字的痴迷在过去几年间极大地破坏了政策议程 ,而这种痴迷实际上并非源于联邦债务方面的忧虑。实际上,它主要是为了,利用债务焦虑来将美国坑蒙拐骗到大幅削减社会福利的道路上,尤其是对穷人施以援手 的那些福利。比方说,众议院预算委员会(House Budget Committee)主席保罗·瑞安(Paul Ryan)去年提出的开支削减计划中,三分之二要让低收入家庭付出代价。

The flip side of this attempt to use fiscal scare tactics to worsen inequality is that highlighting concerns about inequality can translate into pushback against job-destroying austerity, too.

与利用财政恐吓战术来扩大经济不平等的企图相应的是,对不平等问题的强调,也可能转化为对破坏就业的紧缩政策的抵制。

But the most important reason for Mr. Obama to focus on inequality is political realism. Like it or not, the simple fact is that Americans "get" inequality; macroeconomics, not so much.

不过,奥巴马之所以关注贫富不均问题,最重要的理由是政治务实。不管喜不喜欢,简单的事实是,美国民众能"理解"不平等,却不那么理解宏观经济。

There's an enduring myth among the punditocracy that populism doesn't sell, that Americans don't care about the gap between the rich and everyone else. It's not true. Yes, we're a nation that admires rather than resents success, but most people are nonetheless disturbed by the extreme disparities of our Second Gilded Age. A new Pew poll finds an overwhelming majority of Americans — and 45 percent of Republicans! — supporting government action to reduce inequality, with a smaller but still substantial majority favoring taxing the rich to aid the poor. And this is true even though most Americans don't realize just how unequally wealth really is distributed.

在政治评论家中,长期存在这样一种认识:民粹主义并不吸引人,美国人并不关心富人和普通人之间的差距。这种认识是错误的。的确,美国是一个崇尚成 功的国家,不是一个憎恶成功的国家,但看到"第二次镀金时代"(Second Gilded Age)极端的不平等,多数人仍然会感到不安。皮尤(Pew)最近的一项民调显示,绝大多数的美国人(以及高达45%的共和党人)支持政府采取行动遏制不 平等;尽管比例较小,但仍属于大多数的民众支持向富人征税接济穷人。以上情形都是真实存在的,尽管多数美国人还没有意识到财富的分配到底有多么不 平等。

By contrast, it's very hard to communicate even the most basic truths of macroeconomics, like the need to run deficits to support employment in bad times. You can argue that Mr. Obama should have tried harder to get these ideas across; many economists cringed when he began echoing Republican rhetoric about the need for the federal government to tighten its belt along with America's families. But, even if he had tried, it's doubtful that he would have succeeded.

相比之下,关于宏观经济最基本的真相,传达起来也十分困难,比如在经济不好时需要通过财政赤字来支撑就业。你可以说奥巴马本来应该更努力地传播这 些观念——当他开始呼应共和党的论调,说联邦政府需要像美国家庭一样勒紧裤腰带之时,许多经济学家都极为难堪。然而即使奥巴马尝试了,他是否能成 功也颇值得怀疑。

Consider what happened in 1936. F.D.R. had just won a smashing re-election victory, largely because of the success of his deficit-spending policies. It's often forgotten now, but his first term was marked by rapid economic recovery and sharply falling unemployment. But the public remained wedded to economic orthodoxy: by a more than 2-to-1 majority, voters surveyed by Gallup just after the election called for a balanced budget. And F.D.R., unfortunately, listened; his attempt to balance the budget soon plunged America back into recession.

请考虑一下1936年发生的事,富兰克林·D·罗斯福刚刚以巨大优势赢得连任,胜选的原因很大程度上在于他靠赤字支出的政策。现在人们常常会忘记 这一点,但在罗斯福的第一个任期,经济快速复苏,失业率也急剧下降。但是公众仍然固执地坚持着经济学的正统理论。在大选之后,盖洛普 (Gallup)调查了选民的意见,多数受访者呼吁要平衡预算,支持和反对的比例超过2:1。不幸的是,罗斯福听从了他们的意见,他平衡预算的努 力又很快把美国送回了经济衰退。

The point is that of the two great problems facing the U.S. economy, inequality is the one on which Mr. Obama is most likely to connect with voters. And he should seek that connection with a clear conscience: There's no shame is acknowledging political reality, as long as you're trying to do the right thing.

重点在于,在美国经济面对的两大重大问题中,奥巴马更容易在不平等这个议题上打动选民。而他在企图打动选民时也需清醒地认识到:承认政治现实没什 么可耻的,只要你在做正确的事。

So I hope we'll hear something about jobs Tuesday night, and some pushback against deficit hysteria. But if we mainly hear about inequality and social justice, that's O.K.

所以我希望在周二晚上的演说中,能听到就业问题,也能听到对歇斯底里关注赤字的人的反击。但是如果我们听到的主要是不平等和社会正义,倒也不错。

Copyright © 2013 The New York Times Company. All rights reserved.
翻译:黄铮、王童鹤

http://cn.nytimes.com/opinion/20140121/c21krugman/
Op-Ed Columnist
The Undeserving Rich
By PAUL KRUGMAN January 21, 2014
专栏作者

保罗·克鲁格曼:别替美国贫富分化遮丑

2014年01月21日

The reality of rising American inequality is stark. Since the late 1970s real wages for the bottom half of the work force have stagnated or fallen, while the incomes of the top 1 percent have nearly quadrupled (and the incomes of the top 0.1 percent have risen even more). While we can and should have a serious debate about what to do about this situation, the simple fact — American capitalism as currently constituted is undermining the foundations of middle-class society — shouldn't be up for argument.

在美国,贫富差异的现实状况越来越严峻。自上世纪70年代末以来,在下层的那一半劳动力的实际工资停滞不前,甚至还出现下滑,而顶层那1%却上升 了将近三倍(最顶层的0.1%增幅的还要大)。我们可以也应该就如何应对这一局面展开严肃的讨论,然而,有一个浅白的事实是不需要争论的——当前 构建起来的美国资本主义,正在动摇中产阶级社会的根基。

But it is, of course. Partly this reflects Upton Sinclair's famous dictum: It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends on his not understanding it. But it also, I think, reflects distaste for the implications of the numbers, which seem almost like an open invitation to class warfare — or, if you prefer, a demonstration that class warfare is already underway, with the plutocrats on offense.

可是,当然,还是争起来了。这在一定程度上印证了厄普顿·辛克莱(Upton Sinclair)的著名格言:当一个人要靠着对某件事情的不理解来拿薪水时,要让他理解这件事情是很困难的。但我觉得,这同时也反映出,这些数字背后的 含义是多么令人反感,看上去简直就是在挑起阶级战争——或者你可以会觉得,这表明阶级战争已经打响了,进攻方是财阀。

The result has been a determined campaign of statistical obfuscation. At its cruder end this campaign comes close to outright falsification; at its more sophisticated end it involves using fancy footwork to propagate what I think of as the myth of the deserving rich.

随之而来的是一场誓要混淆统计数据真相的战役。这场战役在某些地方格外的不加掩饰,几乎就是直截了当地歪曲事实;某些地方则老辣一些,用眼花缭乱 的步法苦心经营,编制出一套富人理应富有的谎言。

For an example of de facto falsification, one need look no further than a recent column by Bret Stephens of The Wall Street Journal, which first accused President Obama (wrongly) of making a factual error, then proceeded to assert that rising inequality was no big deal, because everyone has been making big gains. Why, incomes for the bottom fifth of the U.S. population have risen 186 percent since 1979!

在歪曲事实方面的例子,看看《华尔街日报》(Wall Street Journal)的布雷·斯蒂芬斯(Bret Stephens)最近的一篇专栏就够了,文章先是(错误地)指责奥巴马总统犯了一个事实性的错误,接着声称贫富差异的加剧没什么大不了,因为每个人都获 得了很大的增长。那就是为什么美国底层的五分之一人口自1979年以来收入增长为186%!

If this sounds wrong to you, it should: that's a nominal number, not corrected for inflation. You can find the inflation-corrected number in the same Census Bureau table; it shows incomes for the bottom fifth actually falling. Oh, and for the record, at the time of writing this elementary error had not been corrected on The Journal's website.

如果你觉得这个数字有问题,你是对的:它只是个名义数据,没有排除通胀因素。经过通胀校正的数据,也可以在那份人口普查局(Census Bureau)表格里找到;从中可以看出底层五分之一人口的收入其实是下降的。噢,请注意,截止本文刊出之时,《华尔街日报》网站还没有改正这个低级错 误。

O.K., that's what crude obfuscation looks like. What about the fancier version?

好了,以上我们看到明目张胆的扭曲是什么样。那么哪些是做的比较漂亮的呢?

I've noted before that conservatives seem fixated on the notion that poverty is basically the result of character problems among the poor. This may once have had a grain of truth to it, but for the past three decades and more the main obstacle facing the poor has been the lack of jobs paying decent wages. But the myth of the undeserving poor persists, and so does a counterpart myth, that of the deserving rich.

我曾经说过,保守派看来在死守一个观点,即贫穷基本上是穷人的性格问题的结果。这个说法也许曾经有那么一丁点道理,但在过去三十年里,穷人面对的 主要障碍,更多地是能给出公道薪水的工作机会匮乏。然而贫穷是活该的谎言依然在继续,相对应地,富有乃天经地义的胡话也不绝于耳。

The story goes like this: America's affluent are affluent because they made the right lifestyle choices. They got themselves good educations, they got and stayed married, and so on. Basically, affluence is a reward for adhering to the Victorian virtues.

他们是这样说的:美国的富人之所以富有,是因为他们在生活方式上做出了正确的选择。他们让自己接受良好的教育,他们结婚并维持住婚姻,诸如此类。 基本上富有就是谨守维多利亚时代美德的一个回报。

What's wrong with this story? Even on its own terms, it postulates opportunities that don't exist. For example, how are children of the poor, or even the working class, supposed to get a good education in an era of declining support for and sharply rising tuition at public universities? Even social indicators like family stability are, to an important extent, economic phenomena: nothing takes a toll on family values like lack of employment opportunities.

这个说法有什么问题?即便以它自己的标准,它假设的机会也是不存在的。比如,在一个公立大学的资金支持遭到削减,学费大幅升高的年代,有多少穷人 的孩子,甚至劳动阶层的孩子,能得到良好的教育?连家庭稳定性这样的社会指标,在相当程度上都是一个经济现象:就业机会匮乏对家庭价值观造成的损 害是难以估量的。

But the main thing about this myth is that it misidentifies the winners from growing inequality. White-collar professionals, even if married to each other, are only doing O.K. The big winners are a much smaller group. The Occupy movement popularized the concept of the "1 percent," which is a good shorthand for the rising elite, but if anything includes too many people: most of the gains of the top 1 percent have in fact gone to an even tinier elite, the top 0.1 percent.

然而这种讹说的主要问题在于,它没能辨清贫富差距加大的真正赢家是谁。白领职场人士,即便是相互结成了夫妻,处境也顶多算过得去。大赢家是一个小 得多的群体。在"占领"运动中流行起来的"1%"这个词,对上升中的精英阶层是一个不错的概括,不过如果非要说的话,它划得范围太大了:顶层这 1%中,有一个更小的群体得到了绝大多数的利益,即最顶层的0.1%。

And who are these lucky few? Mainly they're executives of some kind, especially, although not only, in finance. You can argue about whether these people deserve to be paid so well, but one thing is clear: They didn't get where they are simply by being prudent, clean and sober.

这些天之骄子都是些什么人?虽说并非全部,但绝大多数都是金融领域的某种高层。这些人有没有资格挣这么多,我们可以具体探讨,但有一点是毫无疑问 的:他们能混到这个水平,可不是靠着谋略、清白和清醒那么简单。

So how can the myth of the deserving rich be sustained? Mainly through a strategy of distortion by dilution. You almost never see apologists for inequality willing to talk about the 1 percent, let alone the really big winners. Instead, they talk about the top 20 percent, or at best the top 5 percent. These may sound like innocent choices, but they're not, because they involve lumping in married lawyers with the wolves of Wall Street. The DiCaprio movie of that name, by the way, is wildly popular with finance types, who cheer on the title character — another clue to the realities of our new Gilded Age.

那为什么理应富有的讹说还能如此坚挺呢?主要是通过一种以稀释为手段的扭曲策略。为贫富差距辩护的人几乎永远不会说那1%,更别提真正的大赢家 了。实际上他们会说上层的20%,顶多说到5%。听起来似乎是个无害的选择,其实不是,因为这里面把已婚律师和华尔街的狼群混为一谈了。顺便说一 句,迪卡普里奥的那个叫《华尔街之狼》的电影在金融圈子里相当受欢迎,主人公的事迹博得了他们的喝彩——这是我们认识新镀金时代现实的又一个线 索。

Again, I know that these realities make some people, not all of them hired guns for the plutocracy, uncomfortable, and they'd prefer to paint a different picture. But even if the facts have a well-known populist bias, they're still the facts — and they must be faced.

不过,我也知道这种现实会让一些人感到不安,总有没被财阀收买的人,他们希望能描绘出一幅不一样的风景。然而,尽管这些事实带有众所周知的民粹主 义偏见,但它们终归是事实——我们也终归需要面对。

Copyright © 2013 The New York Times Company. All rights reserved.
翻译:经雷

http://cn.nytimes.com/opinion/20140114/c14krugman/

Op-Ed Columnist
Enemies of the Poor
By PAUL KRUGMAN January 14, 2014
专栏作者

保罗·克鲁格曼:共和党是穷人的公敌

2014年01月14日

Suddenly it's O.K., even mandatory, for politicians with national ambitions to talk about helping the poor. This is easy for Democrats, who can go back to being the party of F.D.R. and L.B.J. It's much more difficult for Republicans, who are having a hard time shaking their reputation for reverse Robin-Hoodism, for being the party that takes from the poor and gives to the rich.

突然间,志存高远的政治家们也可以谈论帮助穷人了,甚至必须这么做。这对民主党人来说很容易做到,他们只需要做回FDR(富兰克林·罗斯福)或 LBJ(林登·约翰逊)时期的民主党就可以了。但这对共和党来说要难得多,作为一个劫贫济富的政党,他们已经难以甩掉"罗宾汉的对立面"的帽子。

And the reason that reputation is so hard to shake is that it's justified. It's not much of an exaggeration to say that right now Republicans are doing all they can to hurt the poor, and they would have inflicted vast additional harm if they had won the 2012 election. Moreover, G.O.P. harshness toward the less fortunate isn't just a matter of spite (although that's part of it); it's deeply rooted in the party's ideology, which is why recent speeches by leading Republicans declaring that they do too care about the poor have been almost completely devoid of policy specifics.

共和党要甩掉这个帽子之所以如此艰难,是因为它实在是名副其实。共和党人正在竭尽全力地伤害穷人——这个说法并不夸张。如果他们在2012年的选 举中胜出,他们还会施加更大的伤害。此外,共和党对穷人的残酷不光是因为他们内心的恶意(虽然这是部分原因);它还深深根植于该党的理念之中,这 就是为什么虽然共和党领导人最近在演讲中声称他们真的在乎穷人,但几乎完全举不出具体的政策。

Let's start with the recent Republican track record.

让我们共和党近期的表现说起。

The most important current policy development in America is the rollout of the Affordable Care Act, a k a Obamacare. Most Republican-controlled states are, however, refusing to implement a key part of the act, the expansion of Medicaid, thereby denying health coverage to almost five million low-income Americans. And the amazing thing is that they're going to great lengths to block aid to the poor even though letting the aid through would cost almost nothing; nearly all the costs of Medicaid expansion would be paid by Washington.

美国当前最重要的政策是推出了《合理医疗费用法案》(Affordable Care Act),即奥巴马医改(Obamacare)。然而,共和党控制的大多数的州拒绝实施这个法案的一个关键部分,即扩大联邦医疗补助 (Medicaid),从而拒绝向500万低收入美国人提供医疗补助。奇怪的是,即使提供这笔补助根本不需要什么成本,他们仍然费尽心机地拒绝让 穷人获得补助;联邦医疗补助扩大带来的几乎所有成本都会由华盛顿支付。

Meanwhile, those Republican-controlled states are slashing unemployment benefits, education financing and more. As I said, it's not much of an exaggeration to say that the G.O.P. is hurting the poor as much as it can.

与此同时,这些共和党控制的州正在削减失业救助、教育融资等福利。如我所说,说共和党正在竭尽全力伤害穷人,这并不夸张。

What would Republicans have done if they had won the White House in 2012? Much more of the same. Bear in mind that every budget the G.O.P. has offered since it took over the House in 2010 involves savage cuts in Medicaid, food stamps and other antipoverty programs.

如果2012年赢得了国会选举,共和党又会做些什么?其实和现在差不多。别忘了,自从2010年赢得众议院多数席位以来,共和党提出的每一个预算 提案都涉及对联邦医疗补助、食品券和其他扶贫项目的大幅削减。

Still, can't Republicans change their approach? The answer, I'm sorry to say, is almost surely no.

话说回来,共和党人就不能改变他们的态度么?很遗憾,答案是,基本上不可能。

First of all, they're deeply committed to the view that efforts to aid the poor are actually perpetuating poverty, by reducing incentives to work. And to be fair, this view isn't completely wrong.

首先,他们坚定地相信,帮助穷人的努力实际上只会让贫穷长期存在下去,因为这会令穷人工作的积极性的降低。公平地说,这个观点并不是完全没有道 理。

True, it's total nonsense when applied to unemployment insurance. The notion that unemployment is high because we're "paying people not to work" is a fallacy (no matter how desperate you make the unemployed, their desperation does nothing to create more jobs) wrapped in a falsehood (very few people are choosing to remain unemployed and keep collecting benefit checks).

的确,在应用于失业保险时,这完全是扯淡。认为失业率很高是因为我们"给不工作的人发钱"是一个谬误(无论你把失业者搞得多么绝望,他们的绝望无 助于制造工作机会),而这个谬误被包裹在一个谎言里(几乎没有人为了获得救助选择继续失业)

But our patchwork, uncoordinated system of antipoverty programs does have the effect of penalizing efforts by lower-income households to improve their position: the more they earn, the fewer benefits they can collect. In effect, these households face very high marginal tax rates. A large fraction, in some cases 80 cents or more, of each additional dollar they earn is clawed back by the government.

然而,我们零敲碎打、杂乱无章的扶贫计划,的确对努力改善处境的低收入家庭形成了惩罚效果:挣得越多,能领取的福利金就越少。实际上,这些家庭面 临很高的边际税率。他们每多挣一美元,就要被政府收走一大半,某些情况下甚至不低于80美分。

The question is what we could do to reduce these high effective tax rates. We could simply slash benefits; this would reduce the disincentive to work, but only by intensifying the misery of the poor. And the poor would become less productive as well as more miserable; it's hard to take advantage of a low marginal tax rate when you're suffering from poor nutrition and inadequate health care.

问题在于,我们能够采用何种手段来降低这些高企的实际税率呢?我们可以干脆大幅削减福利金;这样只会让穷人雪上加霜,从而降低找工作的积极性。穷 人不仅会生产率下降,还会活得更为悲惨;当你营养不良又缺乏医保的时候,很难享有低边际税率的好处。

Alternatively, we could reduce the rate at which benefits phase out. In fact, one of the unheralded virtues of Obamacare is that it does just that. That is, it doesn't just improve the lot of the poor; it improves their incentives, because the subsidies families receive for health care fade out gradually with higher income, instead of simply disappearing for anyone too affluent to receive Medicaid. But improving incentives this way means spending more, not less, on the safety net, and taxes on the affluent have to rise to pay for that spending. And it's hard to imagine any leading Republican being willing to go down that road — or surviving the inevitable primary challenge if he did.

或者,我们可以放满福利金削减的步调。实际上,这就是奥巴马医改众多未曾言明的优点中的一个。就是说,它不仅改善了众多穷人的生活,还增加了他们 的积极性,因为随收入提高而医保福利逐步减少时,这些家庭还能获得补贴,而不是一旦富到不够格领取联邦医疗救助(Medicaid)的时候,就什 么也得不到了。不过,用这种方式来增加积极性意味着,在福利制度上增加开支,而非削减,而且必须用向富人增税的方式来为之承担成本。然而,难以想 象共和党的任何领头人物会愿意走这条路,或是这样做了之后,能在无可避免的初选挑战中赢得胜利。

The point is that a party committed to small government and low taxes on the rich is, more or less necessarily, a party committed to hurting, not helping, the poor.

关键是,一心向往小政府及给富人减税的党,或多或少地非得伤及穷人,而不是助他们一臂之力。

Will this ever change? Well, Republicans weren't always like this. In fact, all of our major antipoverty programs — Medicaid, food stamps, the earned-income tax credit — used to have bipartisan support. And maybe someday moderation will return to the G.O.P.

他们能改弦更张吗?这么说吧,共和党人并非一向如此。实际上,我们所有的重大扶贫项目,无论是联邦医疗救助、食品券,还是劳动收入税收抵免,过去 都得到了两党的一致支持。或许将来的什么时候,共和党会重返温和道路。

For now, however, Republicans are in a deep sense enemies of America's poor. And that will remain true no matter how hard the likes of Paul Ryan and Marco Rubio try to convince us otherwise.

不过此时此刻,共和党人与美国穷人为敌,难以自拔。无论保罗·瑞安(Paul Ryan)和马尔科·卢比奥(Marco Rubio)之流如何卖力地想说服我们并非如此,这一点都改变不了。

Copyright © 2013 The New York Times Company. All rights reserved.

翻译:王湛、黄铮

http://cn.nytimes.com/opinion/20131220/c20brown/
Op-Ed Contributor
Stumbling Toward the Next Crash
By GORDON BROWN December 20, 2013
观点

戈登·布朗:世界正被银行家推向下一场金 融危机

2013年12月20日

LONDON — In early October 2008, three weeks after the Lehman Brothers collapse, I met in Paris with leaders of the countries in the euro zone. Oblivious to the global dimension of the financial crisis, they took the view that if there was fallout for Europe, America would be to blame — so it would be for America to fix. I was unable to convince them that half of the bundled subprime-mortgage securities that were about to blow up had landed in Europe and that euro-area banks were, in fact, more highly leveraged than America's.

伦敦——2008年10月初,雷曼兄弟(Lehman Brothers)倒闭三周之后,我在巴黎与欧元区国家的领导人见了面。他们对这场金融危机的全球性视而不见,而是认为如果欧洲受到波及,那要归咎于美国 ——也就是说解决危机是美国的责任。我无法说服他们,在即将违约的打包销售的次级抵押贷款债券中,有一半被卖到了欧洲,而且实际上,欧元区银行的 杠杆化程度比美国的银行更高。

Despite the subsequent decision of the Group of 20 in 2009 on the need for rules to supervise what is now a globally integrated financial system, world leaders have spent the last five years in retreat, resorting to unilateral actions that have made a mockery of global coordination. Already, we have forgotten the basic lesson of the crash: Global problems need global solutions. And because we failed to learn from the last crisis, the world's bankers are carrying us toward the next one.

尽管20国集团随后在2009年认定,需要一些规则来监管如今全球一体化的金融系统,但各国的领导人们过去五年都在进行回避,纷纷采取单边行动, 让全球协调成为空话。我们已经忘了从危机中学到的最基本教训:全球性问题需要全球解决方案。而且,由于我们没有从上一次危机中吸取教训,世界各国 的银行家们正把我们推向下一次危机。

The economist David Miles, who sits on the monetary policy committee of the Bank of England, may exaggerate when he forecasts financial crises every seven years, but most of the problems that caused the 2008 crisis — excessive borrowing, shadow banking and reckless lending — have not gone away. Too-big-to-fail banks have not shrunk; they've grown bigger. Huge bonuses that encourage reckless risk-taking by bankers remain the norm. Meanwhile, shadow banking — investment and lending services by financial institutions that act like banks, but with less supervision — has expanded in value to $71 trillion, from $59 trillion in 2008.

英国央行(Bank of England)货币政策委员会的经济学家大卫·迈尔斯(David Miles)预测每七年爆发一次金融危机。他的说法可能有些夸张,但是造成2008年危机的大多数问题——过度借贷、影子银行和不顾后果的放贷——现在仍 然存在。大到不能倒的银行规模非但没有缩小,反而增加了。银行家们仍然在巨额奖金的诱惑下不顾一切地承担风险。与此同时,影子银行业务——类似于 银行、但所受监管更少的金融机构从事的投资和贷款服务,这些业务的规模已经从2008年的59万亿美元扩大到了71万亿美元。

Europe's leaders aren't the only ones with these blind spots. Emerging-market economies in Asia and Latin America have seen a 20 percent growth in their shadow-banking sectors. After 2009, Asian banks expanded their balance sheets three times faster than the largest global financial institutions, while adding only half as much capital.

并非只有欧洲的领导人存在这些认知盲点。亚洲和拉丁美洲新兴市场经济体的影子银行业已经增长了20%。2009年之后,亚洲银行资产负债表的扩张 速度是全球最大的一些金融机构的三倍,而其资本增速仅为后者的一半。

In the patterns of borrowing today, we can already detect parallels with the pre-crisis credit boom. We're seeing the same over-reliance on short-term capital markets that ultimately brought down Northern Rock, Iceland's banks and Lehman Brothers.

我们已经能够觉察出如今的借贷状况与危机前的信贷繁荣的种种相似之处。我们看到,人们对短期资本市场的依赖与最终导致北岩银行(Northern Rock)、冰岛的多家银行,以及雷曼兄弟崩溃的情况如出一辙。

While the internationalization of the renminbi is opening up new opportunities for global investment in China, it is also increasing the exposure of the global economy to any vulnerability in its banking sector. China's total domestic credit has more than doubled to $23 trillion, from $9 trillion in 2008 — as big an increase as if it had added the entire United States commercial banking sector. Borrowing has risen as a share of China's national income to more than 200 percent, from 135 percent in 2008. China's growth of credit is now faster than Japan's before 1990 and America's before 2008, with half that growth in the shadow-banking sector. According to Morgan Stanley, corporate debt in China is now equal to the country's annual income.

尽管人民币的国际化为全球开启了对华投资的新机遇,这也增加了全球经济对中国银行业可能存在的脆弱性的风险敞口。中国的信贷总额已经较2008年 的9万亿美元增加了一倍有余,达到23万亿美元,这个增幅几乎相当于整个美国的商业银行业的规模。信贷在中国国民收入中的比重已经突破200%, 而2008年为135%。中国的信贷增长现在比上世纪90年代之前的日本和2008年以前的美国都快,其中一半的增长来自影子银行业。摩根士丹利 (Morgan Stanley)称,中国的企业负债与中国的年度国民收入相当。

Although sizable foreign reserves make today's Asia different from the Asia that experienced the 1997 crash in Indonesia, Thailand and South Korea, we are all implicated. If China's economy were to slow, Asian countries would be doubly hit from the loss of exports and by higher prices. They would face downturns that would feel like depressions.

尽管亚洲如今拥有大规模的外汇储备,但与1997年印尼、泰国和韩国发生金融海啸时不同,我们的命运全都紧密相连。如果中国的经济放缓,由于出口 减少和价格上升,亚洲其他国家将受到双倍的打击。他们将面临着大萧条般的经济下滑。

And China's banking system may not be Asia's most vulnerable. Thailand's financial institutions, for example, appear overdependent on short-term foreign loans; and in India, where 10 percent of bank loans have gone bad or need restructuring, banks will need $19 billion in new capital by 2018.

中国的银行体系在亚洲也许不是最脆弱的。泰国的金融机构似乎过度依赖短期的外国贷款;而在印度,10%的银行贷款已经成为坏账或者需要重组,印度 的银行到2018年将需要190亿美元的新资本。

If the emerging markets of Asia and Latin America are hit by financial turmoil in coming years, will we not turn to one another and ask why we did not act after the last crisis? Instead of retreating into our national silos, we should have seized the opportunity to fix global standards for how much capital banks must hold, how much they can lend against their equity, and how open they are about their liabilities.

如果亚洲和拉丁美洲的新兴市场未来几年受到金融海啸的冲击,我们会不会面面相觑,互相询问,为什么上一次危机之后我们没有采取行动?我们不应该只 是解决自己国家的问题,而是应该抓住机会,制定全球规则:银行必须拥有多少资本;相对于其资本规模,放贷规模能有多大;以及它们应该在多大程度上 披露负债状况。

The Volcker Rule, now approved by American regulators, illustrates the initial boldness and ultimate weakness of our post-2008 response. This element of the Dodd-Frank financial reform law of 2010 forbids deposit-taking banks in the United States from engaging in short-term, proprietary trading. But these practices are still allowed in Europe. Controls are even weaker in Latin America and Asia.

美国监管机构已经批准的"沃尔克规则"(Volcker Rule),突显了我们在2008年危机后的反应中最初的魄力,以及最终的脆弱。沃尔克规则是2010年的多德-弗兰克(Dodd-Frank)金融改革 法的组成部分,它禁止吸纳存款的美国银行参与短期的自营交易。但是这类操作在欧洲仍被允许。拉美和亚洲的监管则更加脆弱。

International rules are needed for international banks. Without them, as the International Monetary Fund has warned, global banks will evade regulation "by moving operations, changing corporate structures, and redesigning products."

跨国银行需要国际规则。就像国际货币基金组织(International Monetary Fund)所警告的,如果没有国际规则,跨国银行将"通过转移业务、改变公司结构和重新设计产品来逃避监管"。

When I was chairman of the G-20 summit meeting here in April 2009, our first principle was that future financial crises that started in one continent would affect all continents. That was why we charged the new Global Financial Stability Board with setting global standards and rules.

2009年4月,当我在伦敦担任20国集团峰会主席时,我们的第一个共识就是,未来在一个大陆上发端的金融危机将影响整个世界。这就是为什么我们 要求新的全球金融稳定理事会(Global Financial Stability Board)负责设定全球标准和规则。

Nearly five years on, its chairman, the Bank of England governor Mark Carney, has spoken of "uneven progress" in recapitalizing banks and making them disclose their risks. The G-20 plan for oversight of shadow banking is, as yet, only a plan. While the world's $600 trillion derivatives market is being regulated with new minimum capital and reporting requirements, global financial regulators must "find a way to collaborate across borders," Mr. Carney says.

差不多五年过去了,全球金融稳定理事会主席、英国央行行长马克·卡尼(Mark Carney)提及了在银行资本结构调整和风险披露方面"不均衡的进展"。到目前为止,20国集团监管影子银行的计划仍然只是计划。卡尼说,尽管全球规模 达600万亿美元的衍生品市场正在受到监管,要满足新的最低资本和披露要求,全球的金融监管机构必须"找到一种实现跨境合作的方式"。

In short, precisely what world leaders sought to avoid — a global financial free-for-all, enabled by ad hoc, unilateral actions — is what has happened. Political expediency, a failure to think and act globally, and a lack of courage to take on vested interests are pushing us inexorably toward the next crash.

简而言之,世界各国领导人希望避免的——由临时推出的单边行动所滋养的全球金融大混战——恰恰正在发生。因为我们在政治上只顾眼前利益、缺乏全球 化思考和行动的能力,并且缺乏触及既得利益的勇气,这个世界正在不可避免地被推向下一次危机。

Gordon Brown, a Labour member of the British Parliament, is a former chancellor of the Exchequer and prime minister.

Copyright © 2013 The New York Times Company. All rights reserved.

戈登·布朗(Gordon Brown)是英国工党议员,曾任英国财政大臣、英国首相。
翻译:王湛

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